• Survey Research
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.25-48
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• 2011

In this paper, we overview the sample design, sampling error, non-response rate and prediction errors of the exit poll conducted for 2010 local elections and discusses how to detect a prediction bias in exit poll. To investigate the bias problem in exit poll in regional(Si-Do) level, we analyze exit poll data for 2007 presidential election and 2006 local elections as well as 2010 local elections in Korea. The measure of predictive accuracy A proposed by Martin et al.(2005) is used to assess the exit poll bias. The empirical studies based on three exit polls clearly show that there exits systematic bias in exit poll and the predictive bias of candidates affiliated to conservative party (such as Hannara-Dang) is serious in the specific regions. The result of this study on systematic bias will be very useful to improving the exit poll methodology in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.79-106
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• 2019

Local governments within the boundaries of a state need increasing flexibility to satisfy diverse economic, social, and environmental goals in their particular geographical setting. However, many candidates in the local election in South Korea tend to see local politics as an extension of national-level politics. In particular, this paper mainly deals with how the voters' evaluation of a president's performance has influenced subnational elections in South Korea. Our analysis suggests that the fate of candidates in subnational elections is shaped by the performance of the incumbent president in both economic development and foreign affairs.

• Survey Research
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.55-79
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• 2007

This article attempts to provide an overview of the exit polls for the 2006 local elections in Korea. The sampling method, sampling error, non-response rate, and prediction error of the exit polls are reviewed. Also, we explore the fact that the propensity to vote varies according to age and gender of voters. In terms of age and gender, the representativeness of the sample is investigated by comparing to the data released by the National Election Commission. Through this empirical research, we show that the exit poll samples are unbalanced in terms of age and this unbalance may be one of the causes of bias occurred in the prediction of the 2006 local election results. The design effects of the sample design implemented for the exit polls are also examined.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.195-232
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• 2013

Child care cash benefit policy in Korea started in 2009 limited to the those under 2 years old in the poverty group entitled to National Basic Living Security Act and the near poor group (100,000 won a month). However, in 2013 the coverage has been expanded to everyone under 5 (200,000 won for those between babies in their first year, 150,000 won for the second year and 100,000 won for those between 2 to 5 years old) regardless of the household income level. The policy change between year 2012 and year 2013 requires a rapid increase in child care budget - 760% increase. This paper examines this exceptional expansion in child care cash benefit using policy network analysis. We found that local election as well as general election immediately effect the interaction between policy actors and the types of networks. This suggest that policy actors recognize child care cash benefit to be more directly related to the election result compared with child care services. Also conflictive interaction between the parties and government bodies with budget restraint also facilitated the diversification on the child care cash benefit discussion. The policy making process of child care cash benefit was led to policy adoption immediately after the presidential election suggesting that policy formation process and the policy adoption had an close relationship in the Korean child care cash benefit policy process.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.241-276
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• 2018

This article measures equal weighted voting to evaluate the fairness of a redistricting system operated in the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections using a new index. The cosine square index using in the article would be useful on what we see the ratio of the equality of population among metropolitan regions and the fairness of the whole electoral system, along with its simple calculation. The results of the fairness of the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections calculated by the cosine square index are as follow: Because the $4^{th}$ metropolitan council election uniformly elects two members for each electoral district regardless of the size of the population, it has a low equality of population between districts. But as a result of the decision of the Constitutional Court in 2007, standard of population variation in electoral district has been strengthened to 4 : 1 from the $5^{th}$ metropolitan council election. It increases significantly equality of population between districts from the $5^{th}$ metropolitan council election. But in the elections from the $4^{th}$ to the $6^{th}$ metropolitan council elections, Rural electoral districts continuously show the lowest equality of population between districts. It also shows the growing disparity between urban and rural areas as well as between capital and non-capital. This paper emphasizes that electoral apportionment in local council elections should reflect regional diversity and community identity.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.55-76
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• 1999

In order to understand the local council members' attitudes to the health policy, we conducted mail surveys using self-administered questionaire for 2 months(February and March. 1995). The study subjects were 2.312 local council members in Korea, but only about 11% among whom. 257 persons, responded to 2 times mail survey. This response rate revealed that the local council members was not interested in health care fields. The main results were as follows; The respondents thought that the economic and income development was most important among 15 regional policy agendas and the health care was the 5th or 7th important agenda. They. who had more health needs of and poor access to health care, tended to think that the health care was more important. They considered lobbying to and persuading the civil servants as the best method to tackle the local health care policy agenda. The respondents, who had poor access to health care facilities. tended to set the highest priority for the expansion of public and private health care resources. They expected that the election of local governor would activate the public health program more than thought that the program was implemented more actively than other region. The main opinion of respondents was that the central government had to take over planning and financing for the public health program, and the basic local government had to implment the program and budgeting. The majority of respondents agreed the private dominant medical care delivery system and nation-wide uniformed financing mechanism. Over 60% of them suggested that they were ready to suffer environmental pollution inducing health hazards for the purpose of regional economic and income development. About 75% of them favour the campaign for antismoking regardless of reducing local government's revenue from sale tax.

• Journal of Surface Science and Engineering
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.44-56
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• 1997

Influence of electrochemical etching conditions on capacitance gain of aluminium electrolytic on capacitor foil has been investigated by etching cubic textured high purity aluminum foil in dilute hydrochloric acid. Uniformly distributed etch pit tunnels on aluminum surface have been obtained by pretreatment aluminium foil in 10% NaOH solution for 5 minutes followed by electrochemical etching. Electrostatic capacitance of etched aluminium foil anodized to high voltage increased with the increase of current density, total charge, temperature and concentration of electrolyte up to maximum CV-value and then deceased. Election optical observation of the etched foil revealed that the density of etch of etch pits increased with the increase of current density and concentration of electrolyte. this increase of etch pit density enlarged of the increase of capacitance. However, abnormal high current density and high electrolyte concentration induced the local dissolution of the foil surface which resulted the decrease of foil capacitance.

• Survey Research
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.1-29
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• 2003

Telephone surveys miss, among other people, those who live in homes without telephones, people who are away from home at the time of interview and people who refuse to be interviewed. Recently, mobile phone survey has emerged as “A replacement technology” to the old telephone survey method. Mobile survey enables us to do many things we could not do or could not afford to do before, and reatly enhance the efficiency if the opinion surveys. Very specifically, the mobile survey enables us to control respondent's accessability, interviewer bias and to do incredibly fast and at a affordable costs. The authors analyze the results of mobile-phone local election polls and ELSI bio-technology attitude survey. The authors describe their results, the methods they used, including the use of demographic and propensity weighting to correct for substantial biases in the raw, unweighted data. The results show that mobile survey can predict the election outcomes with approximately equal accuracy to that of the telephone poll after weighting. This paper also cautions readers not to assume that mobile survey can be used with equal success in other elections and emphasizes the need for continuing research to improve mobile survey methods in the future.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.203-239
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• 2018

Responsible government can be achieved when social cleavages are institutionalized via political competition and social interests are represented by responsible parties. This paper aims to investigate the factors that determine welfare expenditures in Korean local governments by analyzing partisanship and political competition factors simultaneously in the same model. This paper also argues that the relationship between the political factors and welfare expenditures in local governments is not linearly increasing as the previous studies claim. This paper examines the welfare expenditures in Korean municipality-level local governments in 2007, 2011, and 2015. The primary findings are: 1) the partisanship of the head of local government and the party distribution of local assembly members have meaningful effect on the welfare expenditures and the divided governments do not show significantly different effect on welfare expenditures from unified governments, which is contrary to the extant studies, 2) the partisan effects of the head and the local assembly vary according to the levels of municipalities (Gu, Gun, and city), mainly due to the difference in types of revenues and expenditures and 3) the relationship between seats shares of progressive parties in local assembly and the welfare expenditure is not linearly increasing one. The effect of seats shares of progressive parties dramatically begins to increase when the seats shares are in 40%-60%. With these findings, this paper highlights the conservative nature of head of local governments with Hannara party (or Saenuri Party), the conservative leaning of independent candidates, and the conservative orientation of local assemblies in the regions dominated by Democratic Party (and its equivalents).