• Korean Security Journal
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• no.4
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• pp.5-27
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• 2001

This study analyzes the social function of democracy and the essential problems of social security of democracy. So far democracy has used a political term in politics. Democracy allows us the right to the freedom of individuality and social equality. Even scholars however, neglect to study about the criticism of democracy and social problems that are caused by democracy. It was expected that democracy would be valued by humans throughout the world. People have been fighting to establish a reliable political system of democracy. So they can have security in their society and the subject of politics. Therefore, We should consider study on democracy in function of democracy in relation to security of society and essential problems on what is democracy? Does democracy change with social change? Didier Bigo said, 'rising of freedom cause rising of a social unrest', B. Jeanneau said 'Democracy itself is the starting of social discord'. These are criticism of social security, the system and the function of democracy. It especially explains social discord and unrest that has occurred by an authoritative interpretation of democracy or the meaning of a word interpretation. It is a question of the day that it's converse the function of the system and the operation of democracy, act as social unrest.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.137-158
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• 2023

In the modern digitized data society, there is a growing emphasis on securing trustworthiness and fairness in data utilization, along with data openness. By defining the concept of data democracy from various perspectives and presenting elements of normative values, this study aims to provide a basic conceptual framework to identify and evaluate the data governance system and levels of data democracy. As a foundation for the discussion of data democracy, based on Kneuer's (2016) conceptualization of e-democracy, free and equitable access, e-participation, and e-government were introduced as core dimensions of e-democracy. To improve the quality of data governance and foster a better understanding and practical application of the concept of data democracy, this study takes a normative approach from the perspective of democracy. Inclusiveness, equity, participation, and democratic sovereignty are provided as core dimensions of data democracy. This study highlights the significance of data literacy in promoting data democracy. It proposes the creation and assessment of a curriculum rooted in the normative principles of data democracy within the field of library and information science for future investigation.

• Journal of the Korean Operations Research and Management Science Society
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.225-234
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• 1998

little attention has been given to the analysis of electronic democracy media, although electronic democracy, if adopted in Korea, is expected to enhance the quality of the political culture to a large extent. This research is to compare electronic democracy media, such as Internet, cable TV, teleconferencing, fax, and ARS and suggest recommendations on the successful Introduction strategy of electronic democracy in Korea. The analysis of collected data yields research findings, such as the fact that internet will be the most effective medium and a strategy for popularizing internet needes to be developed in advance.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.119
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• pp.1-33
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• 2017

This article explore the relation between meritocracy and democracy in the context of South-Korea's confucian modernity. It starts with the confirmation that South-Korea's confucian-meritocratic tradition has positive influence on democracy, in similar way as in the western countries where meritocracy was as a basis for democracy evaluated. But meritocracy has not always the positive implication for democracy. This article shows that meritocracy is in its essence 'an ideology of the betrayal' which destroy the basis of democracy through producing and justifying extreme socio-economic inequalities between citizens. But the long confucian-meritocratic tradition of East Asia makes meritocracy ideology attractive for the people, so even the temptation of the 'political meritocracy' is strong, as we see in Singapore and China. This article argues that the political meritocracy cannot be the alternative of democracy, seeks the different way to overcome the crisis of democracy than meritocracy indicate. Finally, it discusses shortly which implications this sort of relation between meritocracy and democracy for the future of South-Korean democracy can have.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.123-153
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• 2001

This article addresses the 2nd Korean consensus conference on cloning that was held by the Korean National commission for UNESCO in 1999. Though previous perspectives recognized the conference as a new citizen's participatory institution. they do not consider that it contains the ideal of deliberative democracy. This article notes that the citizens participated directly and handled the important social agenda through debate in the consensus conference. The consensus conference is another democratic form derived from preference aggregating democracy in the sense that it basically depends on public judgement of the citizens. This consensus conference has the historical meaning because it is in fact the first experiment of deliberative democracy in Korea. 1) We examine the theoretical foundations of consensus conference. They are social constructionism of science, the tradition of societal debate, and deliberative democracy. 2) We explore what deliberative democracy is. It is different from aggregating preference democracy in the sense that it depends on public judgement rather than private preferences. 3) We investigate the features and meaning of deliberative democracy which has experiment on the conference. In the Consensus Conference it was observed that citizens changed their preferences and went forward to developing their view of community as a result of the process of deliberation. It can be said to confirm the significance of deliberative democracy. However, it is simultaneously an opportunity to clarify some problems of deliberative democracy. First of all, it shows that there were hierarchies within the citizens' panel as well as between the citizens' and the specialists' panels. Secondly, there are difficulties in expressing the value of life in argument or discourse. Also, we need the institutional efforts concerning future generations and nonhuman beings in the respect that cloning relates to them.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.1-47
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• 2017

This paper examines how democracy is being taught in secondary school level of Indonesian civic education. For this purpose, this study analyses the textbook contents concerning democracy. First, this study sets the freedom, the right, the unity and the stability as key words and analyzes the characteristic of describing democracy by looking at how each keyword is explained in the textbook. The result of analysis shows that democracy of Indonesia can be described as "Pancasila democracy" and textbooks have tendency to relatively emphasize 'the unity', and 'the stability' by differentiating themselves from "liberal democracy" and "liberalism." The freedom in textbook can be interpreted in the context of organic-statism that state and interests of state have the ascendancy over individuals. This viewpoint is based on the historical contexts of Indonesia. However, when textbook describes about Indonesian democracy and its values, they deal with contents of democratic principles, "the freedom of opposition", "the negative freedom", and natural rights. And the study interprets the existence of the two contrasting concepts - relative emphasis on the unity of state and the statement about the importance of individual rights and the freedom - in the textbook as a logical tension in transitional process of traditional organic-statism. Second, the study examines educational contents in accordance with the method of description in textbook. It has been found that there are logical tension and fallacy in describing the principle of fundamental concepts and applicate that concepts into Indonesia case. Also, when describing Marsinah and Munir case, there are some parts distorted and overlooked the facts. On the other hand, the gaps between the explanation in textbook and reality can be pointed out. This study which examined textbook and contents of the rights of the individual is an introductory study on textbook, education and democracy for development of Indonesia and their education.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.161-196
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• 2018

The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.82-92
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• 2017

The Korean state evolved as a distinct entity in a region of major power convergence and conflict. All states, as human constructions, seek sovereignty and life security of their subjects/citizens, and are rotted in organic society. In the Republic of Korea, constitutional order has provided a framework for political action and a succession of regimes - authoritarianism, military dictatorship, and constitutional democracy. Since 1960 two paradigms have undergone a cycle of growth and decline, and a third, since the 2016 candlelight demonstrations in Gwanghwamun, may be the beginnning of a third generation paradigm - populist constitutionalism.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.17-30
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• 2017

This study takes a close examination of the Saturday protest movement in Korea and explores how the politics by social movements challenges the extant theorization of democratization. The paper begins with a brief description of the presidential scandal, the eruption of massive protests, and its impact on formal politics. By situating the Korean case in a comparative theoretical discussion, it engages with important debates in the latest scholarship of democracy that complicate given assumptions and conceptualization. The paper closes with theoretical suggestions of how the Korean drama of protest movements contributes to altering the imagination of democratic politics, both conceptually and substantively.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.