• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.30-51
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• 2011

During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.61-77
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• 2011

This study focused on relevant rock names related to Sinsun(神仙) which had been settled as Taoist traces were combined with places. While interpreting major features of Sundoism relevant rocks, it also discussed types and places of rocks reflected in their names by considering distinct characteristics of landscape characters that ancestors viewed through the rocks or on the rocks. Conclusion of this study is summarized as follows. 1. Among the rock names related to Sinsun, the most frequently discovered one was Sinsunbawi(52) and followed by Sinsunbong(神仙峰: 38), Sinsundae(神仙臺: 31). Other than these, there were Gangsundae(降仙臺: 12), Sunyoodae (仙遊臺: 10) and Sasundae(四仙臺: 5). 2. In the name of Sinsundae, 'Dae(臺)' ascertains that it was located in greatly superb place in the aspects of viewpoint and appreciation where landscape superiority and overlook scenery were fair and outstanding. 3. Sinsunbong was named for a peak of mountain. At the same time, it implied a notion of worship with images of 'merging with sky' or 'looking up.' Most of time, Sinsunbong indicated the tallest rock in the mountain chain. 4. A significant number of Sinsunbong had names where legends of Sinsun's Go game or descent were originated from. It shows that 'Sinsun(仙) and Go game' used to be very important motives for folk etymology of Sinsun related rocks. Along with the Sinsundae, a number of Sinsunbawi were also turned out to exist in land and ocean with excellent marine view. 5. According to analysis of their altitudes and heights of the peaks where the rocks belong to, Sinsunbong, Sinsundae and Sinsunbawi were in order. It might indicate that the rocks were located on top of mountain or that Sinsunbong represented the mountain itself. Compared to this, Sinsundae was located in where distant panoramic views were overlooked. It was not necessarily to be in peak but in where with a great view like Taoist world. On the other hand, Sinsunbawi was located in where has fine scenery and great valley not so far from villages, which proved its name had been influenced by place feature not altitude. 6. Feature of rock with Sinsun related name is to comprise visual stability of worship object with close linkage to attitude of worshiper. Considering its deep connection with communicative method of worship object and worshiper, seemingly it was main factor to lead folk etymology of rocks with Sinsun related names. 7. Rock is an object with the greatest implication of Sinsun imagination and Sinsun rocks show most clearly the fact that Taoism, which used to be considered as inaccessible, had been actualized in a visual and realistic manner with the change of time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.74-80
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• 2022

The vegetation of historical sites has been a form of vegetation that has remained since some years ago, but in modern times, vegetation and terrain have been deformed or damaged due to urban development, which was followed by an industrialization. As a solution to this, it is necessary to establish a plan for restoration and management by referring to the vegetation and landscape remaining in the historic site as indicators. This study was conducted to provide basic data for vegetation and landscape management of Baekje Historic Sites in Seoul by comparing and analyzing location characteristics, existing vegetation, and remaining vegetation of past substitutional vegetation for Pungnaptoseong and Mongchontoseong, Baekje Historic Sites in Seoul. As a result of the study, Pungnaptoseong and Mongchontoseong are located near the main stream of the Han River, Pungnaptoseong is located on a flat land consisting of natural embankments and floodplains, and Mongchontoseong is located on a hilly area. In the case of existing vegetation, it has been confirmed that Pungnaptoseong mainly has ornamental trees planting sites, while Mongchontoseong has a distribution of residual species from the past that grow in villages and hilly lowlands. The Substitutional vegetation of Pungnaptoseong and Mongchontoseong was synthesized based on the location characteristics and actual vegetation, it is estimated that the hilly areas may have been divided into "Quercus aliena Blume.", "Quercus mongolica Fisch. ex Ledeb." and so on, "Pinus densiflora Siebold & Zucc." on dry land,"Salix koreensis Andersson.", "Juglans mandshurica Maxim.", "Alnus japonica (Thunb.) Steud." in rivers and tributaries, "Quercus acutissima Carruth." in the main part of the forest, "Pinus densiflora Siebold & Zucc.", "Salix koreensis Andersson.", "Zelkova serrata (Thunb.) Makino." as a divine tree in the beginning of the village. Since the 1960s, all substitutional vegetation in the past has disappeared due to the introduction of foreign species and the creation of urban areas in Pungnaptoseong and Mongchontoseong, and the landscape has also been damaged. Fortunately, the substitutional vegetation was estimated in consideration of the species of residual trees distributed along the walls, climate, location characteristics, and times, but this study was conducted based on literature and existing vegetation surveys. Therefore, it is necessary to supplement the past target vegetation in Baekje historical sites in Seoul through quantitative experiments such as plant relic analysis in the future.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.441-471
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• 2018

East Coast Gut, Korean shamanism ritual on its east coastal area, is a Gut held in fishing villages alongside Korean east coastal area from Goseong area in Gangwon-Do to Busan area. East Coast Gut is performed in a series mainly by a successor shaman, Korean shaman, who hasn't received any spiritual power from a God, and the implications of this thesis lie in that we look over the learning aspects of Seokchool Kim shaman group among other East Coast Gut successor shaman groups after dividing it into 2 categories, successor shaman and learner shaman and based upon this, we reveal the meaning of the learning aspects of East Coast Gut. For successor shamans, home means the field of education. Since they are little, they chased Gut events performing dance in a series to accumulate onsite experiences. However, in the families of successor shamans that have passed their shaman work down from generation to generation, their descendents didn't inherit shaman work any longer, which changed the way of succession and learning of shaman work. Since 1980's, Gut has been officially acknowledged as a kind of general art embracing songs, dance and music and designated as a cultural asset of the state and each city and province, and at art universities, it was adopted as a required course for its related major, which caused new learner shamans who majored in shamanism to emerge. These learner shamans are taking systematical succession lessons on the performance skills of East Coast Byeolshin Gut at universities, East Coast Byeolshin Gut preservation community, any places where Guts are held and etc.. As changes along time, the successor shamans accepted the learner shamans to pass shaman work down and changes appeared in the notion of towners who accept the performer groups of Gut and Gut itself. Unlike the past, as Gut has been acknowledged as the origin of Korean traditional arts and as the product of compresensive learning on songs, dance and music and it was designated as a national intangible cultural asset, shaman's social status and personal pride and dignity has become very high. As shaman has become positioned as the traditional artist getting both national and international recognition unlike its past image of getting despised, at the site of Gut event or even in the relation with towners, their status and the treatment they get became far different. Even towners, along with shift in shaman groups' generation, take position to acknowledge and accept the addition of new learning elements unlike the past. Even in every town, rather than just insisting on the type or the event purpose of traditional Gut, they think over on the type of festival and the main direction of a variety of Guts with which all of towners can mingle with each other. They are trying to find new meanings in the trend of changing Gut and the adaptation of new generation to this. In our reality of Gut events getting minimalized along with rapid change of times, East Coast Gut is still very actively performed in a series until now compared to Guts in other regions. This is because following the successor shamans who have struggled to preserve the East Coast Gut, the learner shamans are actively inflowing and the series performance groups preserve the origin of Gut and try hard to use Gut as art contents. Besides, the learner shamans systematically organize what they learned on shamanism from the successor shamans and get prepared and try to hand it down to descendents in the closest possible way to preserve its origin. In the future, East Coast Gut will be succeeded by the learner shamans from the last successor shamans to inherit its tradition and develop it to adapt to the times.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.733-739
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• 1966

A 371 agricultural households from 26 different communities in South Korea was subjected on a study of food taboos in January of 1966. To the pregnant women, those to whom a high protein diet is particurally important, as many as 14 different kinds of foods, mostly portein rich foods, were avoided to eat. It is believed that if duck is eaten while pregnant her baby may walk like a duck in later life. Some mother have a strong aversion to the rabbit meat that her unborn baby must be a harelip. It is feared to eat chicken, shark or carp by the pregnant mother for her baby may get a gooseflesh appearance, or fish scale-like skin in later life. It is thought that if mother eats soup made of meat borns, especially chicken bones, a disfigured baby may be born. Some area informed that if mother eats crab meat her future baby will always bubble. To the child-bearing mothers 13 different kinds of foods were avoided to eat. Some believe that if raddish kimchi, soybean curd, squash are eaten while dilivery that mother may get dental decay or to lose all her teeth. Other think that highly spiced raddish kimchi cause delivery difficult. To the lactating mothers 7 different items of foods were not recommended to eat. It is a common belief that eating green vegetables, especially fresh lettuce, are restricted that her baby may stool greenish. It is said that eating ginsen-chicken soup, or ginsen tea during lactating reduces breast milk secretion. To the weaning babies 7 different kinds of foods were prohibited to fee. Eggs are not eaten because mothers think her babies will start to talk very late. Eight different items of foods in cases of gastro-intestinal diseases, 5 items for liver disease, 7 items for high blood pressure as well as for paralysis were respectively restricted. It is said that meats including pork, beef, and chicken are neither desirable for the patients of high blood pressure nor those of paralysis. To the measles children 10 varieties of foods were restricted. Especially soybean products and meats were not encouraged to use for avoiding asecond attack of measles. For the common cold 8 different kinds of foods were aversed and men think that eating of soup of undria delays a recovery. For the tuberculosis 4 kinds of foods were prohibited to eat. It is said that wine, red pepper and ginsen will stimulate lung bleeding. Many mothers had a strong aversion to fermented shrimp and fish in case of style. and 5 different items of foods were restricted. In case of menstration not so many foods were restricted as other cases, but meat soup is not eaten in this condition in some areas. Majority of food taboos in Korean villages are neither based on tribal nor religious factors. But no one knows how, since what ages, from where, these food taboos have been transmitted and spread over the country. This survey found a great variety of food taboos, aversions, traditional beliefs and prohibitions latent unknown reseasons, or non-scientific conceptions, or completely different ideas from the modern medical aspect, or somewhat fallacious and superstitious beliefs. For the vascular disease contrasting approach were found between modern the oritical therapy and popular remedy among the rural populations who largely depend on the eastern medication. Further scientific study on either side should be done to lead the patient proper way. Many restricted foods such as rabbit, duck, chicken and fish are best resources of protein rich foods which are available in the village. Emphasis should be laid upon breaking down fallacious and supersititious food taboos through the extended nutrition education activities in order to improve food habit and good eating pattern for healthier and stronger generations of Korea.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.207-220
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• 2008

Tourism in the natural environment grows significantly and in many tropical countries it becomesthe important earning of the nations. Nevertheless, tourism impact to environment and cultural values has become the threats to the sustainability and competitiveness of such industry. Therefore, the appropriate planning and management of tourism destination sites where environmentally and culturally fragile are needed in order to increase economic benefits, sustain local culture and conserve environment in balance. The aims of the paper are to examine tourism practices, to determine socio-cultural and natural resources, and to assess local people perception to cultural landscape and its future tourism development in order to formulate the appropriate strategies to achieve sustainable tourism. A case study was carried out at Tengger highland, Bromo Tengger Semeru National Park(BTSNP) East Java. Official documents were gathered and interviews with several key persons had conducted to determine recent status of tourism, resources capital and the existence of local people. Semi-structured interviews and questionnaires were carried out at Tenggerese villages to explore local people perspectives to tourism development, culture preservation, and cultural landscape conservation issues. It is followed by descriptive analysis of vegetation to assess the recent status of environments based on vegetation information. Our findings reveals that tourism grows significantly at BTSNP, and Tengger Caldera as spiritual and cultural sites for local people become the centre for tourism activities. The abundance cultural and natural resources are the significant capital for sustainable tourism. Tenggerese argues that tourism should be planned to provide benefits to local people, preserve tradition and able to conserve nature in order to ensure the living sustainability of Tenggerese. The overall result of the study provide general feature of recent status of the cultural and natural resources as well as positive society perception in order to establish a strategy for sustainable tourism in cultural landscape.

• Proceedings of the Korean Environmental Health Society Conference
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• 2003.06a
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• pp.24-25
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• 2003

Lead is ubiquitous in the human environment as a result of industrialization. China's rapid industrialization and traffic growth have increased the potential for lead emissions. Lead poisoning in children is one of the most common public health problems today, and it is entirely preventable. Children are more vulnerable to lead pollution and lead in their bodies can affect their nervous, circulatory, and digestive systems. Children are exposed to lead from different sources (such as paint, gasoline, and solder) and through different pathways (such as air, food, water, dust, and soil). Although all children are exposed to some lead from food, air, dust, and soil, some children are exposed to high dose sources of lead. Significant sources of lead for China's children include industrial emissions (often close to housing and schools), leaded gasoline, and occupational exposure that occurs when parents wear lead-contaminated clothing home from work, burning of coal for home heat and cooking, contaminated food, and some traditional medicines. To assess the blood lead level in children in China, a large-scale study was conducted in 19 cities among 9 provinces during 1997 to 2000. There were 6502 children, aged 3-5 years, were recruited in the study The result indicates that the mean blood lead level was 8.83ug/dl 3-5 year old living in city area. The mean blood lead level of boys was higher than that of girls (9.1l ug/dl vs 8.73ug/dl). Almost 30 percent childrens blood lead level exceeded 10ug/dl. The average blood lead level was higher than that of in 1985 (8.83ug/dl vs 8.lug/dl). An epidemiological study was carried on the children living around the cottage industries recycling the lead from battery. Nine hundreds fifty nine children, aged 5-12 years, living in lead polluted villages where the lead smelters located near the residential area and 207 control children live in unpolluted area were recruited in the study. The lead levels in air, soil, drinking water and crops were measured. The blood lead and ZnPP level were tested for all subjects. The results show that the local environment was polluted. The lead levels both in the air and crops were much higher than that of in control area. In the polluted area, the average blood level was 49.6ug/dl (rang 19.5-89.3ug/dl). Whereas, in the unpolluted area, the average blood level was 12.4ug/dl (rang 4.6-24.8ug/dl). This study indicates that in some countryside area, some cottage industries induce seriously lead pollution and cause children health problem. For the introducing of unleaded gasoline in some large cities, such as Beijing and Shanghai, the blood lead level showed a declined trend since 1997. By 2000, the use of leaded gasoline in motor vehicles has been prohibited in China. The most recent data available show that levels of lead in blood among children in Shanghai decreased from 8.3ug/dl in 1997 to 7.6ug/dl in 1999. The prevalence rate of children lead poisoning (blood lead >10ug/dl) was also decreased from 37.8% to 24.8%. In children living in downtown area, the blood lead level reduced dramatically. To explore the relationship between gene polymorphisms and individual susceptibility of lead poisoning, a molecular epidemiological study was conducted among children living in lead polluted environment. The result showed that the subjects with ALAD2 allele has higher ZPP level, and the subjects with VDR B allele has larger head circumference than only with b allele. In the present study, we demonstrated that ALAD genotypes modify lead effects on heme metabolism and VDR gene variants influence the skull development in highly exposed children. The polymorphism of ALAD and VDR genes might be the molecular inherited factor modifying the susceptibility of lead poisoning. Recently, Chinese government pays more attention to lead pollution and lead poisoning in children problem. The leaded gasoline was prohibited used in motor vehicles since 2000. The government has decided to have a clampdown on the high-polluted lead smelters for recycling the lead from battery in countryside. It is hopeful that the risk of lead poisoning in children will be decreased in the further

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.240-255
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• 2016

In many cities in the East and West during the modern period, historical resources were perceived as obstacles to urban development and were treated as deficiencies calling for development. Korea underwent a process of drastic urbanization and industrialization almost unprecedented in modern history. In this process of turmoil, cities expanded rapidly and went through a series of changes. City development followed a repeated cycle in which resources were concentrated in the city area, which, in turn, led to further development. However, such method of development is reaching its limits. In order to make a city desirable for living, it is crucial to make an effort to build a sustainable city environment where life and history coexist harmoniously. It is now time to consider how to carry forth sustainable development in the city where the past, present, and future coexist. If so, how will the future of our cities look and the form of housing change? To answer this question, we examined Urban Hanok Residential Areas and Hanyangdoseong neighborhood village, which went through rapid changes in the modern period. The Hanok, which was a commonplace sight in the past, has been perceived as an underdeveloped form of housing, easily targeted for redevelopment only a few years ago; so was the case with Hanyangdoseong neighborhood village. Yet now these are being revalued as sustainable housing areas able to coexist with the history of the city. That is, through restoration, their potential of contributing to the history and identity of the city is gaining recognition. In this regard, it holds great implications for us to look at the changes that traditional Korean housing areas and castle villages have undergone.

• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.1125-1147
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• 2014

This study was conducted to develop the health evaluation indicator of pond wetland in order to enhance the quality of eco-experience in rural area. The methods for development of evaluation indicator were consisted of 3 stages; 1st, the precedent assessment protocol was applied to 10 pond wetlands in farm villages, and eco-experience expert survey was conducted to selection the evaluation item and criteria at 2nd and 3rd stages. In the results of applying the precedent assessment protocol, we found out two problems; 1) the evaluation result of value determination and conservation value were too simple, and 2) the score by evaluation items were nearly the same, because evaluation criteria in not precisely for application in rural area. These results were reflected to expert survey. According to the 1st survey results, they suggested that 4 items should be maintained, and 3 items should be deleted, and 2 items should be modified among a total of 9 times. Therefore, it was modified into the evaluation protocol having a total of 8 items. According to the 2nd survey results, the selected evaluation items were generally proper. With regard to items for assessing the health condition of pond wetland, we selected a total of 8 items; (1) Connectivity to forest, (2) Connectivity between water body and wetland connection, (3) Number of Vegetation, (4) Surround land use, (5) Interspersion of Vegetation, (6) Crossing Structure, (7) Wetland size, and (8) Outlet structure. In addition, it was suggested that accessibility, visibility, and trash were need for utilization of pond wetland as a place for eco-experience. It is expected that the selected evaluation indicator can help to utilize the pond wetland as an eco-experience space in rural area, and maintain the pond wetland as a space for conservation of biodiversity.