• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.16 no.12
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• pp.8550-8555
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• 2015

The research goal of this paper is to find the cluster policies for the federal and provincial governments through German Cluster Politics. This paper consists of five chapters. In the first chapter the theoretical background for the Cluster is examined. The next chapter details the research method for the federal and state German Cluster Policy study. The results of this paper show that the federal and state German Governments may co-operate or compete in cluster politics. Additionally, this research falls under EU Political Research under the umbrella of the EU. This cluster policy research also provides implications for the Korean Government in the long term.

• Korea Journal of Hospital Management
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.70-86
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• 2017

The purpose of this study was to empirically investigate the relationship between hospital employeesʼ perceptions of organizational politics, organizational effectiveness such as job satisfaction, organizational commitment, and turnover intention. We also evaluated the moderating effect of organizational trust on the relationships between POPs and organizational effectiveness. By analyzing 726 employeesʼ data including physicians, nurses, medical technicians, and administrators from one private hospital, POPs was found to have had a highly negative relationship with job satisfaction and organizational commitment while a highly positive relationship with turnover intention. Furthermore, organizational trust moderated the relationship between POPs and job satisfaction, and also POPs and turnover intention, while no moderating effect appeared between POPs and organizational commitment. Within the organization, employees who are in a group with high organizational trust have low job satisfaction and high turnover intention when they have high POPs rather than a group with low organizational trust. Further the implications of these results and future directions of the study have been discussed.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.171-199
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• 2012

Saman, a novel written by Ayu Utami, has been recognized as the symbol of the politico-social changes, which began to occur since the collapse of Suharto' New Order regime in 1998. In the novel, Ayu Utami showed the spirits of resistance against various absurd socio-political circumstances during the New Order era such as pressure on discussion, abuse of power, politics-business collusion, patriarchism, and suppression of gender. In representing those spirits, Ayu Utami used unconventional structure-making, fresh feedback and multilayered descriptions of the figures, which brought her a fame as the pioneer of the Fragrant Literature (Angkatan Wangi or chick-lit). Ayu Utami particularly criticized that, under the name of sustaining the national integrity and identity, the New Order regime enhanced patriarchal system, which consequently infringed gender equality and women's rights to self-determination. In addition, Ayu Utami argued that the abuse of power and politics-business collusion, which were prevalent during the New Order period, destroyed lives of the masses and the Indonesian society.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.48 no.4
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• pp.59-89
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• 2017

Changes in the public welfare attitudes are very important to the welfare politics and policy. Considering that variability of public welfare attitudes has been ignored in previous studies, we analyzed welfare attitudes changes at individual level in Korea. Using the longitudinal data from the Additional Survey of 2010/2013/2016 Korea Welfare Panel Survey, we analyzed the changes in public welfare attitudes during 2010th-2016th years. Major findings are as follows. First, one of the findings from analysis is that the public welfare attitudes are very active and dynamic in Korea. This finding is contradiction to the results of the previous researches that are point to the stability or inertia of the public welfare attitudes in western welfare states and also in Korea. Second, occurrences of the welfare attitudes change are related with various individual characteristics; income status, occupation status, age, region, sex, political ideology, etc. These results from this study on the welfare attitudes change suggest that dynamics of the Korea welfare politics in recent years reflected the dynamic changes in public welfare attitudes. And, they suggest that Korea welfare politics are transformed from the traditional classes welfare politics to the new welfare politics which are influenced by various interests of the socio-demographic groups.

• Review of Korean Society for Internet Information
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.1-4
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• 2013

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.42 no.5
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• pp.691-709
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• 2007

This paper investigates the social and political construction of geographical scale in conjunction with Korean housing politics. Recently, attention has been drawn to the issue of the social and political construction of geographical scale. Spatial scales have increasingly been regarded as socially constructed and politically contested rather than ontologically pregiven or fixed. The scale literature has paid attention to how different spatial scales can be used or articulated in social movements, with an emphasis on 'up-scaling' and 'scales of activism' rather than 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation.' Furthermore, the scale literature has focused on the aspect of empowerment. However, it is worthwhile to examine how scale-especially 'down-scaling' and 'scales of regulation'-can be used not only for marginalizing or excluding unprivileged social groups, but also for controlling the (re)production of space, including housing space. Under a regulatory regime, the Korean central government gained more control over the (re)production of housing space at geographical multi-scales by means of 'jumping scales,' specifically 'down-scaling.' The Korean central government has increasingly obtained the capacity to 'jump scales' by using not only multiscalar strategies for housing developments, but also taking advantage of various scales of institutional networking among the central and local governments, quasi-governmental institutions, and Chaebols, across the state. Traditionally, scale has been regarded as an analytical spatial unit or category. However, scale can be seen as means of inclusion(and exclusion) and legitimation. Choosing institutions to include or exclude cannot be separated from the choices and range of spatial scale, and is closely connected to 'scale spatiality of politics.' Facilitating different forms of 'scales of regulation,' the Korean central government included Chaebols and upper- and middle-income groups for the legitimization of housing projects, but excluded local-scale grassroots organizations and unprivileged social groups as decision-makers.

• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
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• 2006.06a
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• pp.45-46
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• 2006

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.11
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• pp.237-240
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• 1988

• Safe Food
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.25-32
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• 2009

• Animal cells and systems
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• v.8
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• pp.10-10
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• 2004