• 산경연구논집
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• 제8권7호
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• pp.21-29
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• 2017

Purpose - The purpose of this study is to investigate the impact of organizational politics on employees' social network service addiction and how it influences their job satisfaction and organizational citizenship behavior. And this study explores if leader-member exchange can moderate the relationship between organizational politics and social network service addiction. Research, design, data, and methodology - For this, this study collected data from 305 employees in Korean companies through a survey method and uses SPSS 18.0 for hierarchical regression analysis in the hypothesis test. Results - First, organizational politics increases immersion, compulsion and association among the sub-factors of social network service addiction. Second, each phenomena of social network service addiction such as salience, compulsion and association decrease each relevant factors of job satisfaction and organizational citizen behavior. Third, compulsion and association among the sub-factors of social network service addiction play the mediating roles between organizational politics and each relevant factors of job satisfaction/organizational citizen behavior. Finally, some of sub-factors of leader-member exchange decrease the effect of each characteristics of organizational politics on immersion, compulsion and association among the sub-factors of social network service addiction. Conclusions - This study provides some of managerial implications to corporate executives who try to manage organizational attitude.

• 한국컴퓨터정보학회논문지
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• 제23권1호
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• pp.131-137
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• 2018

This study conducted empirical analysis on the influence of perception of organization politics of social welfare facility employee to job attitude, and based on the analysis result, it aims to suggest theoretic and political implications. For this, the study conducted survey targeting social workers working at social welfare facilities in Gwangju. 350 copies of survey were distributed,. 197 copies were retrieved and 176 copies were used in analysis after excluding 21 copies with insincere reponses. The collected data was processed through SPSS 20.0 for reliability analysis, frequency analysis, T-test, and hierarchical regression analysis. The study results are as below. This study analyzed the job exhaustion, turn over intention and causal relationship as the result variables and perception of organization politics of social workers, and analyzed the leader trust as mediating effect among the previous researches related to perception of organization politics. As for the analysis result, the perception of organization politics of social workers improve job exhaustion and turn over intention, and leader trust was confirmed to have mediating effect on relationship among the variables.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제22권2호
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• pp.201-238
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• 2012

This study analyses the nexus between political change and development of parliamentary politics in Malaysia. The continued and stable parliamentary politics did not necessarily associated with political development in Malaysia for the last five decades. Except the 1969 general election, the ruling coalition, Barisan Nasional(BN), has never been failed to obtain the two-third majority of parliamentary seats even though there has been regular general elections in every 4-5 years without any interruption. It is, however, worth noting that there has been dramatic political changes since the late 1990s. In particular, the 2008 general election showed the remarkable results, collapsing the two-third majority of BN's parliamentary seats. The opposition parties even took over the 5 state governments out of 12 in total. The more distinguished feature was the emergence of opposition coalition, called Pakatan Rakyak(PR), right after the 2008 general election. It was the first united coalition in Malaysia's modern political history among the severely divided opposition parties. Since its emergence, the PR has initiated various changes leading towards a more active parliamentary politics. In this regards, this study argues that parliamentary politics is no more regarded as a dependent variable in Malaysia's political process.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제24권1호
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• pp.45-87
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• 2014

This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.9-29
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• 2003

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the political discussion and the success conditions on the digital democracy and issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and to propose alternatives for solving these issues. To accomplish this purpose, this paper review actual conditions of the digital politics, analyze on results of e-party driving of Korean parties, review issues for introducing e-party of Korean parties, and propose alternatives for solving these issues. Proposed conditions on digital politics and e-party development will contribute to the prosperity of the Korean politics. In near future, an empirical study on the standpoints of voters politicians will be followed.

• 공학교육연구
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.35-44
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• 2012

This paper analyzes characteristics and discourses related with the risk communication of Fukushima nuclear disaster. I try to pick up and analyze the three strategies of Korean government's and expert system's risk communication, and then understand the relationship between them and the role of expert system in the risk communication and the politics of expertise.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.17-30
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• 2017

This study takes a close examination of the Saturday protest movement in Korea and explores how the politics by social movements challenges the extant theorization of democratization. The paper begins with a brief description of the presidential scandal, the eruption of massive protests, and its impact on formal politics. By situating the Korean case in a comparative theoretical discussion, it engages with important debates in the latest scholarship of democracy that complicate given assumptions and conceptualization. The paper closes with theoretical suggestions of how the Korean drama of protest movements contributes to altering the imagination of democratic politics, both conceptually and substantively.

• 의정연구
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

민주화와 더불어 선거정치에 토대를 둔 대의제가 본격적으로 가동된 지 20여 년이 지났다. 그동안 선거를 통한 정권교체도 이루었고, 민주화 세력이 적어도 두 번 이상 집권에 성공했다. 또 민주화 세력에 대한 실망으로 또 다시 정권교체가 일어나기도 했다. 선거를 통한 정권교체라는 대의정치의 기본 동력이 발휘된 것처럼 보인다. 그러나 대의권력이 민주적 안정의 구심점이 되지 못하고 있다. 더구나 우리의 불안정한 민주체제는 정권변동과 대의제 환경의 변화라는 이중적인 전환 속에서 과도기의 혼돈을 겪고 있다. 민주주의 후퇴 논란도 제기되고 있다. 이 연구는 지체된 개혁과제와 변화된 대의제의 환경에 주목해 한국 민주주의의 현실을 진단한다. 전환기적 상황으로는 민주화 동력의 소진에서 정권 재교체에 이르는 정치변동, 그리고 인터넷 시대와 정치동원 구조의 변화, 직접행동과 대의민주주의 등을 주요 논제로 다룬다. 그리고 분열의 정치와 '반쪽 정당성', 대권정치에 종속된 의회 정치라는 한국정치의 구조적 한계를 극복하는 개혁과제로 현행 대통령제의 개편을 주장한다.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제43권
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• pp.193-221
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• 2000

The conventional framework of welfare politics, based on class concepts, tends to fail in explaining the recent social changes. Theoretical response from the social science diverges into two blocs. One is the postmodernist approach that denies possibility of structural cleavage; the other is the alternative trial that seeks to find various kinds of cleavages. The former approach is to be rejected because there is few empirical supports for it. The latter is too sparse to be applied to the studies of welfare politics that requires a comprehensive analysis. This study starts from critical investigation of such approaches, aiming at providing a theoretical framework that combines merits of existing studies on welfare politics. The theoretical framework of three statuses of welfare rights and duties, which is to be presented as an alternative to the conventional class counterpart, does not only underscore the expansion of welfare rights but also the burden of welfare duties. Hence, it can comprehensively subsume complex existence of interest cleavages of welfare politics. To make a long story short, individual interest, related to the welfare state, will effect individual attitudes toward the welfare state and their ways of political support.

• 한국언론정보학보
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• 제45권
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• pp.187-219
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• 2009

미디어를 통해 정책의제 설정과 정책홍보가 늘어나면서, 정치인과 정당은 미디어의 표현기법과 뉴스 생산조건에 맞춰 나가야 하는 압박을 받고 있다. 미디어의 생산조건에 맞추는 정치로 정치인들은 정책 설명을 통해 국민을 이해시키려 하기보다는 미디어를 통해 자신의 이미지를 알리기 위한 연출기법을 배우는 데 더 의존하게 된다. 정치인들의 연출기법 차용은 효과적인 정책홍보라는 원칙에 위반되지는 않지만, 정치가 미디어의 생산조건에 맞춰나가면서 점점 더 정책의제 설명보다는 이미지 연출에 의존하는 현상이 두드러지고 있다. 폴리테인먼트를 통한 정치연출은 유권자들에게 정치인 개인에 대한 평가는 물론, 정당의 정책수행 능력평가와 대의 민주주의의 정당성 확보에 이르기까지 광범위하게 영향을 미치고 있다. 또한 미디어 생산시간에 맞춘 폴리테인먼트의 강화는 숙의 민주주의의 합리적인 발전을 어렵게 만들며, 연출을 통한 가상정치의 확산이라는 불합리한 현상까지 발생시키고 있다. 이 연구에서는 미디어 생산시간이 정치과정에 미치는 영향을 알아보기 위해 지금까지 두 차례에 걸쳐 실시된 독일총선에서의 TV토론을 사례로 분석했다. 그 결과 미디어의 연출적 요소가 미디어를 통한 정치적 토론은 물론, 정치 커뮤니케이션 전 과정에 걸쳐 영향력을 행사하고 있음을 알 수 있었다.