• Journal of Ethics
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• no.74
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• pp.35-62
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• 2009

This study purports to explore the possibility of establishing the theory of ethics education based on the concept 'Gyeong(敬)' in Early Confucianism. There was a negative viewpoint on Confucianism directly after the modernization of Korea. However, a positive trend for Confucianism has emerged in almost all sorts of studies even though the results of the studies in Moral education are not always successful. West moral education theories and traditional ethics education theories should be integrated dialectically so that traditional ethics education may be updated. Recently a reappraisal of traditional values has been undertaken as a replacement of liberal democracy values. Faced with the modern civilization's crisis and a decline in morals in Korea, reverence needs to be dealt with in ethics education. This study is primarily concerned with the nature-transcendental relation whose concrete concept is 'Gyeong(敬)' in Confucianism. And the study attempts to put forward the theory of reverence-centered ethics education. The contents of the study consists of the substance of 'Gyeong(敬)' in Early Confucianism, and practical principles and methods of reverence-based ethics education. Some tasks of moral education are also suggested for the scientific establishment of reverence-centered ethics education.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.80
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• pp.1-30
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• 2011

Confucianism and Buddhism were compatible in the period of Goryeo Dynasty. And then, the rulers worshiped Confucianism and repressed the religious activity of the Buddhist monk in the early years of the Joseon Dynasty. But King Sejong planed to bring reconciliation between Confucianism and Buddhism. Especially on the ceremonies of mourning and sacrificial rituals, he always performed the two religious style. The reason of sticking to his amicable consciousness is as follows. Firstly, he thinks that both the theory of Confucianism and the religious spirit of Buddhism are very important for the building up the foundation of his Dynasty. Secondly, his mind has been of a same faith cure on the incurable disease. Therefor, when the Royal family is taken ill he must pray to Buddha for recovery from the first stage. Thirdly, he regards social conditions to be the most important and respect for man's life and dignity for the purpose of beneficent administration. But Joseon's government line was the anti-Buddhist policy. So, the policy came in the wake of a debate among King Sejong and Confucian government officials. However his harmonious mind was unchanged between Confucianism and Buddhism. After all, in the last phase of his life he was deeply religious on Buddhism. I think that King Sejong's amicable consciousness could make a contribution to overcome religious conflicts and to create a new political cultural form in the modern society

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.13-20
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• 2004

This comparative study on the confucian characteristics of the space for men on the upper-class house took two approaches. Firstly, even though Korea and China accepted same Confucianism, they developed their own Confucian cultures and differentiated house types. Therefore, the process of developing various type of house can be observed as to adopting Confucianism. Secondly, identification of each country can be appeared by looking into the house developing process. Preceding studies about traditional houses of Korea and China usually focused on style analysis. However, this study approaches to house arrangement through understanding the base of each culture and people.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Educational Facilities
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• v.10 no.5
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• pp.35-43
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• 2003

This study analyzed the spatial hierarchy of Hyangkyo architecture. Hyangkyo was built on the basis of Confucianism. The results are as follows; 1) The spatial hierarchical construction responding to the site. The arrangement style of hierarchical construction changed according to the site. This is the reason that the hierarchy of Confucianism has the relationship of the upper class and the lower class, high and low of position, high of right and low of left, and the theory of division based on topography. 2) The hierarchical construction responding to the arrangement style. Buildings were hierarchically constructed according to the site of the architecture. This is the result of hierarchy. In conclusion, the spatial hierarchy means that Hyangkyo architecture had been built according to an order on the basis of Confucianism.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.71-103
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• 2014

Park Se-dang (朴世堂, 1629-1703) is a figure rebuked as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon" (斯文亂賊), having composed the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo (南華經註解刪補), the sole commentary on every chapter of the Zhuangzi (莊子) in Joseon Dynasty. This article purports to articulate the significance of Park Se-dang's composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo within Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, through the comparison between him and Zhu Xi (朱熹, 1130-1200), the founder of Neo-Confucianism, the mainstream ideology of Joseon Dynasty, in their recognition of the Zhuangzi. Since Neo-Confucianism attained an absolute status as the canonical doctrine in Joseon Dynasty, the other thoughts, including the thoughts of the Laozi and the Zhuangzi, could not be discussed without their relationship with it. Park Se-dang's recognition of the Zhuangzi does not deviate far from Zhu Xi's recognition of it. While his composition of the Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo might be said to have inherited and deepened Zhu Xi's recognition, it can also be seen as an attempt to escape from Neo-Confucianism in some aspects. Due to this complication, when the faction of the Noron (老論, a faction separated from the Seoin in the Joseon Dynasty, the hard-liners) rebuked him as a "disturbing enemy of the Confucian canon," they did not mention neither his Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong (新註道德經, New Commentary on the Laozi) nor his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo. In his Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo, Park Se-dang does not think that the Zhuangzi is in diametrical opposition to Confucian thoughts. Firstly, he emphasizes that Zhuangzi faces the actual world with ultimately positive concern, though from a critical perspective. Secondly, he seeks common grounds between the thoughts of Zhuangzi and Confucians, proving that Zhuangzi emphasizes human relationships between father and son or between king and subject. Thirdly, he illuminates Zhuangzi's theory of human nature from a new perspective in order to reestablish Confucian theory of human nature. Fourthly, he attempts to apply Zhuangzi's thoughts in order to overcome contemporary consumptive political feuds, including the splits of political factions or the disputes about ritual proprieties (禮訟論爭). Park Se-dang's composition of Shinjoo Dodeokgyeong and Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a complementary measure for Confucianism, his proper mainstay being Confucianism. He attempted to escape, not from Confucianism itself, but from the absolutism of Neo-Confucianism. In the 17th century Joseon Dynasty, when Neo-Confucianism was becoming dogmatized and absolutized as a canonical doctrine and a dominant ideology, Park Se-dang's composition of Namhwagyeong Joohaesanbo was a very innovative attempt, which shows that he established himself as a pioneer to escape Neo-Confucianism, having consolidated his own unique and progressive academic province, differentiating himself from traditional Confucian scholars in his objective.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.121-135
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• 1999

Korean Traditional Houses had been composed of several territory. Sarang-Chae was territorialized from the functional differentiation and the sexual discrimination of Confucianism. The territory of ancestral shrine was formed with the filial duty of Confucianism. Korean Traditional Houses have the visible, material boundary and invisible, symbolic boundary which is repeated into the inner space. Korean Traditional Houses are appreciated as the enclosed territory which the sacred inner space of the house is in opposition with the profane outer space, and the inner space of the house has hierarchical boundary by the hierarchy of the house god.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.119-141
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• 2018

This paper is to address the consonance between Confucianism and Christianity, focusing on the first-generation clergy in Andong, North Gyeongsang Province, Korea. Andong has turned out many Confucian scholars since Yi Hwang, and thus founded the school of Togye (Yi Hwang's nom de plume). Meanwhile, some of Confucians in Andong converted to Christianity after reading the Bible. Thus, their religious activities and their interpretation of the Bible Confucian factors smacked of Confucianism, which suggests a need to reestablish the relationship between Confucianism and Christianity. This study produced the following results: First, the converts did not aspire to Christianity itself but to saving their country. The first-generation clergy in Andong wanted to sublimate their patriotic and Confucian spirits into Christianity, which is backed up by the independence movement planned jointly by Confucians and Christians in Andong. As for Confucians in Andong, their devotion to their country was a cause of the conversion to Christianity. Second, it was small wonder that Christianity was harmonious with Confucianism at least for early Christianity in Andong. In those days, Confucians in Andong had to achieve their realistic goals and thus did not need to deny Christianity. To relieve the national suffering, they had more need of Christian religiosity than Confucian morality. Likewise, missionaries wanted to propagate Christianity, and therefore did not deny the worldliness of Confucianism. On this wise, the two kept their identities and at the same time could compensate for their shortcomings from each other. This study names such Korean Christianity a 'humanistic religion.'

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.148
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• pp.49-72
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• 2018

In this paper, I tackle the question as to why the Confucian tradition in East Asia failed to generate democracy. In the first section, I discuss various forms of Confucianism and come up with a most suitable one before I define democracy. I then consider the view that, even though Confucianism, thus defined, had the democratic ideals, it could not generate democracy because it failed to secure democratic institutional structure. I call this view 'No Institutions' View. However, there are two versions of it. First, a thin version of the view holds that the theoretical resources are clearly found in Confucianism yet they failed to provide the democratic institutions. Second, there is the view (a thick version of 'No Institutions' View), according to which the theoretical resources do exist in the Confucian tradition, though only as potentiality and not as a historical reality, and this is why the tradition failed to produce democracy. Third, some hold the view (which I call 'No Ideals' View) that Confucianism simply lacks not only the practical institutions but also theoretical ideals of democracy. In the conclusion, I discuss the reason why I reject these views and offer my own view. In particular, I offer a hybrid view concerning the relationship between Confucianism and democracy.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.27
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• pp.63-84
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• 2009

I analyzed about the Ruyi(儒醫)'s mind on this article. Ruyi led and Nei-Jing (內經)'s Xin(心)-Shen(神)-Qingzhi(情志) it developed a medical theory. Qingzhi comes true confucianism aims became the good tool. Junhuo(君火)-Xianghuo(相火) for them to apply medically. Junhuo-Xianghuo is a possibility of seeking a ground from Nei-Jing. Junhuo governs all body and Xianghuo takes charge of the role which raises the body. It is to divide huo(火)with relationship of the king and the liege man. After Yuan-dynasty(元代) Ruyi medical sciences grasped Junhuo-Xianghuo with confucianism structures. The representative scholar is Zhu zhen-heng(朱震亨). I analyzed Zhu's Junhuo-Xianghuo. Xin-huo rules over the body. For expression of active Chi, it set the dual structure-'Junhuo-Xianghuo'. And it divided Junhuo from desire and sentiment. And Zhu zhen-heng attempted Taoism and medical science and Confucianism from the process under integrating. And analyzed Junhuo-Xianghuo Confucianism meaning. With Junhuo-Xianghuo and Confucianism described a relationship in the Zhu zhen-heng's theory. Finally view of Ruyi, medical science is the method of confucianism aims comes true.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.17
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• pp.35-48
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• 2004

The third teachings of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism have been coexisted and had effect on the oriental spirits for long times. The doctrines of the Confucianism, the Buddhism, and the Taoism are represented as 'moral culture', 'practice', and "training" respectively. The practices of three teachings had individual ways. But in the late Han-dynasty, they had coexisted and effects on one another, then finally had been united since the Song-dynasty. The Confucianism, which advocated "xiū-jǐ-zhì-rén(修己治人: Practising oneself and controlling others)" and "nèi-shèng-wài-wáng(內聖外王: Establishing natural law in oneself and presenting it to others)", put an emphasis on the practice for personality by "Kŏgzĭ(孔子)" and "Mèngzĭ(孟子)". For example, the practices of "Yăng qi(養氣)", "Jìn Xīn(盡心)", and "Cún Xīn(存心)" reflect this doctrines. In the Song-dynasty, "Zhū-xī(朱熹)" established the 'New Confucianism', the study of "Jū-Jìng-qióng-lĭ'", which put an equality with "human nature" and natural law. It is so-called as "Seong-li-hark" in Korea. Therefore, it came to life again by emphasizing 'jīng-shì: Ruling the world' and "moral culture". The Taoism, which pursued "yán-mìng-cháng-shòu(延命長壽: Maintenance of a Scanty existence long life)" and "dào-tōng-shén-xian"(道通神仙: Spiritual awakening Shén-Xian), originally put an emphasis on the practice of body and mind. For example, "Lăozi(老子)" and "Zhuāngzĭ(莊子)" suggested "bāoyī(包一)", "Shŏuyī(守一)", and "Zuòwàng(坐忘)". After the religious body of the Taoism had been established, "Gè-hóng(葛洪)" accomplished the "Nèidān(內丹)" and "Wàidān(外丹)" as practice methods. As times went over, the "Nèidān(內丹)" of "Yăng-Shēng-Wŭ-Dà-Yāo(養生五大要)" including "bì-gŭ(辟穀)", "fú-qì(服氣)", "dăo-yĭn(導引)", "fáng-zhōng(房中)", and "fú-ěr(服餌)", has been the mainstreams for practice. Since the Song dynasty, "sān-jiào-hé-yī-sī-xiǎng(三敎合一思想: Three Teachings are the each other same thoughts)" had been put on emphasis and the three teachings were effected one another, and all of them attached importance to practical training. Therefore, the practice ways in civil societies have been mixed, the origins of them are difficult to divide definitely. The Korean society also has the vague origins of them and reflects the theses historic traditions.