• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.26 no.3
• /
• pp.37-83
• /
• 2020

This paper presents the results of 'The Survey on the 21^st National Assembly members' conducted by the Korean Association of Party Studies (KAPS) and the Hankyoreh following the 21^st Korean National Assembly Election. Since the 16^th Korean National Assembly Election, the KAPS has surveyed the candidates and/or the elected regarding their views on major policy issues and perceived self-ideology, which has contributed to our understanding of overtime changes in ideology of political parties in South Korea and their members. This year's survey includes 21 questions on the four major policy issue areas including foreign policy, economy, social issues and cultural issues as well as their perceived ideology. Among the 300 elected, 197 participated in the survey. The results suggest that the Justice Party is most liberal, the United Future Party is most conservative, and the Democratic Party is in the middle on average in terms of issue preference and perceived ideology. Compared to the preceding National Assembly, the partisan gap continues to appear salient in foreign policy, economy, and the cultural issues. In contrast, the gap narrows down in the social issues because the members of the Democratic Party embrace more conservative preference. It is noteworthy to examine whether this shift leads to cooperative decision making on social policies between liberal and conservative parties in the upcoming National Assembly. The composite policy preference index of individual assembly members, on the other hand, shows significant difference among members of different parties. Political parties in South Korea has evolved from a group of people from the same region into a group of people with distinctive policy preferences.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.23 no.1
• /
• pp.81-111
• /
• 2017

This article analyzes three major issues related to regional voting in South Korea. First, is regional voting a regional problem or an ideological problem? Second, is regional voting caused by regional identity or regional interest? Third, has regionalism waxed or waned? Analyses of the cumulative data set since the 15th presidential election yield the following results. First, Yongnam people are more conservative than Honam people. Second, regional voting consists of ideological and regional components. Third, there exist both a hometown effect and an abode effect in regional voting, but the latter is significantly greater than the former. Forth, regionalism had weakened between the 15th National Assembly election and the 16th Presidential election, but has not varied much since then.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.20 no.9
• /
• pp.208-223
• /
• 2020

In the 21st general election held in April 15, 2020, the importance of social media as an election campaigning tool became more prominent when engaged with Corona 19. Therefore, in this study, various studies were conducted to establish SNS strategy as an election campaign tool. This study analyzed the contents of SNS (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) activities as an election campaign tool to analyze messages on social media messages of candidates Lee Nak-yeon and candidate Hwang Kyo-an of Jongno-gu, Seoul during the 2020 21st National Assembly election. Data collection mainly analyzed posts from each candidate's official account, and the research method used text analysis using the R program. Word cloud, comparative analysis, q-graph analysis, LDA, and STM analysis were used during text analysis. In addition, the analysis result was confirmed to be statistically significant through correlation analysis. As a result of research, candidate Lee Nak-yeon's election includes corona, people, problems, crisis, suffering, and wisdom, which indicates that the crisis caused by corona must be overcome through any means possible. On the other hand, candidate Hwang Kyo-an's election includes Moon Jae-in, the regime, save, the fatherland, the judge, and the economy. And from the perspective of political publicity, candidate Lee Nak-yeon made a lot of acclaims, while candidate Hwang Kyo-an made a lot of attacks, and both themes emphasized the policy rather than the image.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.101-134
• /
• 2018

This study examines the effects of members' legislative performance on their renominations in the $19^{th}$ Korean National Assembly. We measure how many bills each member has proposed and passed in the Assembly. In addition, we also include rate of passing bills as an indicator of legislative performance. Particularly, we analyze 320 members in total, and 270 members who got in on the competition for nomination separately. The empirical findings of our study show that, firstly, among the total members in the Assembly, as they propose bills more and pass bills fewer, they are more likely to be renominated in the very next election. However, this is a result of different types of members rather than legislative performance. Secondly, among the members who actually competed for renomination, the legislative performance of members can not affect their renomination. Therefore, we argue that it is necessary to stipulate nominations criteria and transform top-down nomination method to bottom-up one in order to raise responsiveness and enhance representative democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.26 no.3
• /
• pp.5-35
• /
• 2020

This article purposes to investigate opening process of the 21st National Assembly in the middle of severe conflicts between two major-parties, and predict the changes it will bring to the operation of the National Assembly. With incumbent party's taking all leadership positions of standing committees, it broke the practice since 13th National Assembly, that is, distribution of the standing committees based on the seat-ratio. It means that our National Assembly has entered a new phase in the decision-making process. While the incumbent party, with overwhelming victory in general election, emphasizes that it should dominate legislative process to support the government, the out-party claims that they should take leverage to check over government. Two opposing trends are characteristically observed in the operation of the Korean National Assembly. First of all, due to the experience under authoritarian regimes, the National Assembly has been institutionalizing decision-making processes in the direction of enforcing cooperation between parties. On the other hand, the polarization in political parties has been stronger, making it difficult to reach consensus between parties. This article claims strongly that the 21st National Assembly need to find a balance amid such two-conflicting trends. To do so, three necessary conditions are proposed: observing decision-making procedures, securing diversity within party and National Assembly, and deliberative legislative activities.

• Korea and Global Affairs
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.31-70
• /
• 2017

On December 9, 2016, the decision of impeachment of the National Assembly decided against Park Geun-hye came from the nomination conflicts of the 20th general election between Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group at the ruling Saenuri Party. Therefore, this study focused on the nomination conflicts of the ruling party and the opposition party on the election results in the 20th general election on the public sentiment of the people. The nomination conflicts of the ruling and opposite parties were a prelude to the victory of the 19th presidential election, and it was serious faction conflict. Firstly, the study examined how the nomination conflicts of each party were centered on President Park Geun-hye as well as the leaders of each party and the chairman of the nomination committee. Secondly, the study examined what kind of changes would be made to the composition of presidential candidates for each party at the time of the presidential election. Thirdly, the study examined the opposition parties' separation between the Minjoo Party of Korea and the People's Party of Korea before and after the election and the issue of initiative in Honam. As a result of the analysis, the 20th general election failed to obtain a majority seat of the ruling Saenuri Party, and the opposition won and formed the majority. The reason why President Park and Saenuri were greatly defeated in the contest even in the situation where the opposition parties were divided is the root cause in the attitude of Pro-Park group and Anti-Park group who assumed their victory. Therefore, it is highly possible to render its responsibility to President Park Geun-hye, who has become a 'past power', and it has opened up the possibility that the emergence of future power by opposition parties. In the case of the opposition party, it is clear that the battle for Honam, which is a traditional opposition party's support group, is a matter of good fortune of the two major powers, Moon Jae In and Ahn Cheol Soo.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
• /
• v.14 no.1
• /
• pp.147-165
• /
• 1992

This paper analyzes the macroeconomic effects of elections on the Korean economy and their future ramifications. It measures the shocks to the Korean economy caused by elections by taking the average of sample forecast errors from four major elections held in the 1980s. The seven variables' Bayesian Vector Autoregression Model which includes the Monetary Base, Industrial Production, Consumption, Consumer Price, Exports, and Investment is based on the quarterly time series data starting from 1970 and is updated every quarter before forecasts are made for the next quarter. Because of this updating of coefficients, which reflects in part the rapid structural changes of the Korean economy, this study can capture the shock effect of elections, which is not possible when using election dummies with a fixed coefficient model. In past elections, especially the elections held in the 1980s, $M_2$ did not show any particular movement, but the currency and base money increased during the quarter of the election was held and the increment was partly recalled in the next quarter. The liquidity of interest rates as measured by corporate bond yields fell during the quarter the election and then rose in the following quarter, which is somewhat contrary to the general concern that interest rates will increase during election periods. Manufacturing employment fell in the quarter of the election because workers turned into campaigners. This decline in employment combined with voting holiday produce a sizeable decline in industrial production during the quarter in which elections are held, but production catches up in the next quarter and sometimes more than offsets the disruption caused during the election quarter. The major shocks to price occur in the previous quarter, reflecting the expectational effect and the relaxation of government price control before the election when we simulate the impulse responses of the VAR model, imposing the same shocks that was measured in the past elections for each election to be held in 1992 and assuming that the elections in 1992 will affect the economy in the same manner as in the 1980s elections, 1992 is expected to see a sizeable increase in monetary base due to election and prices increase pressure will be amplified substantially. On the other hand, the consumption increase due to election is expected to be relatively small and the production will not decrease. Despite increased liquidity, a large portion of liquidity in circulation being used as election funds will distort the flow of funds and aggravate the fund shortage causing investments in plant and equipment and construction activities to stagnate. These effects will be greatly amplified if elections for the head of local government are going to be held this year. If mayoral and gubernatorial elections are held after National Assembly elections, their effect on prices and investment will be approximately double what they normally will have been have only congressional and presidential elections been held. Even when mayoral and gubernatorial elections are held at the same time as congressional elections, the elections of local government heads are shown to add substantial effects to the economy for the year. The above results are based on the assumption that this year's elections will shock the economy in the same manner as in past elections. However, elections in consecutive quarters do not give the economy a chance to pause and recuperate from past elections. This year's elections may have greater effects on prices and production than shown in the model's simulations because campaigners' return to industry may be delayed. Therefore, we may not see a rapid recall of money after elections. In view of the surge in the monetary base and price escalation in the periods before and after elections, economic management in 1992 should place its first priority on controlling the monetary aggregate, in particular, stabilizing the growth of the monetary base.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
• /
• v.8 no.10
• /
• pp.883-893
• /
• 2018

The inflow of Labor Migrants has been grown up to 600,000 people until now with the adoption of Employment Permit System (EPS) in 2004 until now. However the institutional support lack to ensure their rights and improve their conditions. This is because of their consideration ad temporary labors in South Korean society and labor forces rather than the objects of integration. As a result, the legal status and rights of migrant workers are criticized for their utilization rather than human rights, and human rights protection is insufficient. To this context, this paper analyzed the 19th presidential election pledge of the four political parties (Democratic Party, the Liberty Korea Party, Bareun Party and Justice Party) the majority of the Korean National Assembly, and predicted how the policies of migrant workers would evolve. The study found that there were two political parties that did not mention policies for migrant workers, and the remaining two parties also maintained their current policies. This is probably the biggest reason to recognize migrant workers as temporary residents. However, they should also be aware of the fact, that migrant workers are the members of the Korean society and are the owners of human rights that should be guaranteed, and should consider the policy directions to live with them.

• Health Policy and Management
• /
• v.32 no.3
• /
• pp.247-257
• /
• 2022

The presidential election and the inauguration of the new government are a period of the policy window opening. The newly launched government is expected to improve the quality of life of the people. The Yoon Suk-yeol Government is also launched with new expectations with a transitional period in health care. The sustainability of health care in Korea is threatened. The environment of health care and the main policy issues of health care are difficult to secure the necessary finance for health care in spite of the increasing health care burden. Accordingly, the Yoon Suk-yeol Government's health care policy aims to provide intensive support to those in need of health and welfare and to improve the health of the people through investment in health. And for integrating fragmented health care and welfare services and creating people-centered community-based health care, a health care innovation center will be established for the evaluation platform of new delivery and payment systems, a health care development plan will be established for the blueprint of health care, and reorganizing the central & local government should be reviewed. Although we are facing unfavorable situations such as the distribution of the National Assembly, inflation, and the possibility of economic recession, we expect that announced health care policies will be implemented, recognizing that health care innovation is the only way to improve health care sustainability.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.65-92
• /
• 2009

Political trust is defined as the degree to which people perceive that government is producing outcomes consistent with their expectations. Political trust as a concept has endogenous as well as exogenous characteristics in that it can cause and be caused by other political factors. The purpose of this study is to introduce and evaluate various theoretical perspectives related to the causes and effects of political trust. With respect to its causes, this study focuses on the following five factors: government policies, unethical behaviors of politicians, citizens' penchant for participatory democracy, the public's misperceptions on government, and political culture. On the other hand, this study discusses the impacts of political trust on each stage of political process by paying attention to the following factors: government's governability, election outcomes, political recruitment, and the directions of government policies.