• 한국전자통신학회논문지
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• 제17권4호
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• pp.595-606
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• 2022

한국은 단위기 발전기 용량 1.4 GW, 20 GW를 초과하는 몇 개 지역의 대단위 발전단지, 대단위 발전단지에서 발전력을 인출하는 2~3개의 초고압 송전선로, 비수권에서 수도권으로 발전력을 수송하는 6개의 초고압 송전선로 구성 등 대용량 발전, 대규모 송전시스템 등 전통적인 전력계통 시스템의 특징을 가지고 있다. 이런 전력계통 특성으로 신재생에너지 진입 단계는 낮으나 주파수 안정도 문제 등으로 일부 발전기 출력 감발을 시행하고 있으며 향후 신재생에너지 확대 정책으로 전력계통 안정도 유지 문제가 가장 중요한 현안으로 떠오를 전망이다. 태양광, 풍력발전 같은 비관성 인버터 기반 신재생에너지 급증시 독립계통에서 전력계통 안정도를 향상시키는 수단은 Natural 관성 자원인 동기조상기와 가상 관성 자원인 BESS를 계통에 설치하는 것이다. 본 연구에서는 신재생에너지가 계통안정도에 미치는 영향을 분석하고 최저주파수를 유지하기 위한 BESS 효과를 계통 모의를 통하여 분석하였다. 발전제약 용량에 따른 BESS 효과는 최대 122.81%에 도달하는 것을 확인하였다.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.277-296
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• 2023

The South Korean ethnic diaspora US lobby shows efficacy as an interest group in generating influence in American foreign and domestic public policy making. The persuasive portrayal of South Korea as a critical Cold War US ally reinforced US amenability to pro-South Korea lobbying. Also, the South Korean US diaspora is a comparatively recent immigrant group, thus its lingering resistance to assimilation facilitates its political mobilization to lobby the US government. One source of this influence includes the foundational legacy of proselytizing Western and particularly American religious social movement representatives in Korean religiosity and society. US protestant Christianity acquired a strong public association with emerging Korean nationalism in response to Japanese imperialism and occupation. Hostility towards Japanese colonialism followed by the threat from Soviet-sponsored, North Korean Communism meant Christianity did not readily become a cultural symbol of excessive external, US interference in South Korean society by South Korean public opinion. The post-Cold War shift in US foreign policy towards targeting so-called rogue state vestiges of the Cold War including North Korea enhanced further South Korea's influence in Washington. Due to essential differences in the perceived historical role of American influence, extrapolation of the South Korean development model is problematic. US hegemony in South Korea indicates that perceived alliance with national self-determination constitutes the core of soft power appeal. Civilizational appeal per se in the form of religious beliefs are not critically significant in promoting American polity influence in target polities in South Korea or, comparatively, in the Middle East. The United States is a perceived opponent of pan-Arab nationalism which has trended towards populist Islamic religious symbolism with the failure of secular nationalism. The pronounced component of evangelical Christianity in American core community nationalism which the Trump campaign exploited is a reflection of this orientation in the US.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제41권4호
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• pp.67-99
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• 2019

This paper, focusing on the renewable portfolio standard (RPS), evaluates alternative renewable energy policies. We propose a tractable equilibrium model which provides a structural representation of Korea's electricity market, including its energy settlement system and renewable energy certificate (REC) transactions. Arbitrage conditions are used to define the core value of REC prices to identify relevant competitive equilibrium conditions. The model considers R&D investments and learning effects that may affect the development of renewable energy technologies. The model is parameterized to represent the baseline scenario under the currently scheduled RPS reinforcement for a 20% share of renewable generation, and then simulated for alternative scenarios. The result shows that the reinforcement of the RPS leads to higher welfare compared to weakening it as well as repealing it, though there remains room to enhance welfare. It turns out that subsidies are welfare-inferior to the RPS due to financial burdens and that reducing nuclear power generation from the baseline yields lower welfare by worsening environmental externalities.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.111-141
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• 2018

By the middle of 2018 there are signs of China's entry into a new period of development, characterized by a change in the old model: "market reforms-inner-party democratization - moderate foreign policy" to another: "market reforms - Xi Jinping personality cult - offensive foreign policy." This model contains the risks of arising of the contradiction between economic freedom and political-ideological rigidity which can lead to destabilization of the political life. However, in the current positive economic dynamics, these risks may come out, rather, in the medium and long term. Today, the political situation in China remains stable - despite growing dissatisfaction in scientific expert and educational circles due to increased control over the intellectual sphere by the authorities. The need for a new redistribution of power between central and provincial authorities could potentially disrupt political stability in the medium term, but, at the moment, is not a critical negative factor. The economic situation is positive-stable. Forecasts indicate a possible increase in China's GDP in 2018 at 6.5%. At the same time, there are negative expectations in connection with the Sino-US and potentially Sino-European "trade war". In the Chinese foreign policy, as a response to Western pressure, China increasingly uses the Russian direction of its diplomacy in the expanded version of Russia + SCO. The nuance here is seen in China's adjusted approach to the SCO: first of all, not as a mechanism for cooperation with Russia, but as an organization that allows using Russia's potential for pressure on the US in the Sino-US strategic rivalry. In the second half of 2018, the Chinese economy will continue to develop steadily, albeit with unresolved traditional problems (debts of provinces and state-owned enterprises, ineffective state sector, risks on the financial and real estate market). In politics, discontent with the cult of Xi will accumulate, but without real threats to its power. Weakening in economic opposition between China and the United States is possible due to Beijing's search for compromises on tariffs, intellectual property, trade deficit. To find such trade-offs, Xi will use the so-called. "Personal diplomacy" of direct contacts with Trump.

• 한국산업융합학회 논문집
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• 제21권6호
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• pp.361-368
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• 2018

This paper proposes a grid - connected CTTS system that can be soft switched to meet the government's effective resource allocation policy for emergency generator. In order to eliminate the system instability caused by the large inrush current generation in the system switching, a new virtual rotation coordinate method for the dissimilar power source is proposed. The proposed virtual rotation coordinate method improves the voltage detection accuracy of the voltage difference of the dissimilar power supply, and it is proved that the synchronous switching characteristic is excellent. In addition, zero current and system stabilization can be achieved by realizing zero current when blocking CTTS with instantaneous reactive power control. Simulation was carried out to verify the validity of the proposed method, and the 500[kVA] system was fabricated and verified to demonstrate the superiority of the proposed method.

• 한국병원경영학회지
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• 제5권2호
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• pp.40-58
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• 2000

Nurses are medical personnel, who play a key role in supporting patient care, so it is important to supply them adequately in balance with ever increasing medical demand. But there appears severe shortage of nurses in some hospitals because of their uneven distribution, especially in small sized-hospitals and rural-hospitals. As nationwide distorted distribution of nurses in Korea is just like what monopsony model(a kind of market structure model) tells us, it is attempted to explain this situation of nurse labor market in Korea on the basis of monopsony model and presented in this paper. Specifically, determinants of nurse wage and the level of their relative employment were examined, and monopsony impact on their wage and the level of relative employment controlling those determinants were studied. Major results of this study arc as follows. The most important determinant of nurse wage level in this study was the wage level of a local community where each hospital located Hospital owner's characteristics an educational function of each hospital were also important factors. With these factor controlled, it was found that monopsony power of each hospital was negativel associated with nurse wage level as expected. 1% increase in monopsony power of hospital(measured by Herfindah-Hirschman Index) reduced nurse wage by $5,674{\sim}19,19$ won(in Korean currency). With regard to the level of relative employment, the most important determinant wa the capacity for supplying nurses of the local community. Again, hospital owner characteristics and educational function of each hospital were also important. With these factors controlled, it was found that monopsony power of each hospital was negative associated with the number of nurses per bed, as expected. 1% increase in monopsony power of each hospital(again measured by Herfindah-Hirschman Index) reduced the number of nurses per 100 bed as much as $0.46{\sim}0.67$. In conclusion. structural factors of nurse labor market influence the instability of nurse labor supply in Korea. Further consideration for these market structural characteristics needed for policy making related to nurse resource allocation.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제46권1호
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• pp.1-19
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• 2024

This paper evaluates explanations for China's growth slowdown. The natural tendency for rapidly growing economies to slow down is a major factor, along with problems bequeathed by unbalanced growth, including a declining ICOR, slowing total factor productivity growth, and rising indebtedness. A number of other mechanisms are of lesser importance: demographics, President Xi's centralization of political power and anti-corruption campaign, and U.S. export controls. Sustaining growth in the longer term will require China to step away from investment, debt and export-fueled growth in favor of a balanced growth model with household consumption playing a larger role. Doing so will require hardening of the budget constraints of regional and local governments and restructuring of the nonperforming debts of property and construction companies.

• Strategy21
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• 통권40호
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• pp.5-36
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• 2016

Recently, the Japanese government revised the three guidelines of its security policy, the National Security Strategy(NSS), the National Defense Program Outline and Midterm Defense Buildup Plan, exceptionally at one time. This means Japan has been seeking the new strategy and strengthening military power considering changing regional security environment. Moreover, Japan revised the security laws for the right to collective self-defense, which authorized the use of force even when Japan is not under attack. Also, Japan renewed the Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation in twenty years, and has expanded JSDF's scope of activity to a worldwide level. These changes imply Japan would constantly seek to build military forces focusing on naval forces. Because Japan's naval forces, the JMSDF is the means that allow Japan to use its force at anywhere overseas and expand its roles and missions in international society by the basis of the right to collective self-defense. This research will analyze Japan's new maritime strategy and trend of force development and eventually look for the implication on our maritime security These days, Japan has perceived Chinese rapid increase of naval power and pursuing of maritime hegemony as a grave threat. In response to this, Japan is designing new maritime strategy, which are "remote islands defense and recapture" and proactively develop a new type of naval forces to accomplish this new strategy. The Japan's "remote island defense and recapture strategy" is to harden its defensive posture in Nansei islands which correspond to China's 1st island chain for chinese A2/AD strategy and directly encounter with China and to protect its own dominium and maritime interest while supporting US national strategy in East Asia. Japan continues to build compact, multi-functional ship to accomplish "remote island defense and recapture strategy" and keep strengthening its maritime power projection capability to include build of new amphibious ship, and large, multi-functional ship which can provide effective C2. These changes imply that Japan is shifting its strategy from passive and defensive to proactive and aggressive way and continues to pursue naval buildup.The implication of Japan's new maritime strategy and naval buildup needs to be observed carefully and we need to keep developing naval power required to protect our maritime sovereignty and interest.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• 제26권2호
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• pp.209-247
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• 2004

최근 국내에서는 "특별회계 및 기금 정비방안"에 관한 공청회가 열리는 등 공공기관에 의한 기금 및 적립금의 목적과 운용 행태에 대한 관심이 촉발되고 있다. 그러나 공공경제학을 공부하는 이들에게 중앙은행의 적립금은 별 관심의 대상이 아니었다. 다분히 실험적 연구의 성격을 띤 본 논문은 61개국 자료를 이용하여 각국 중앙은행이 내부 유보한 적립금이 통화정책 당국의 재량권확대 유인과 밀접한 관련이 있음을 보인다. 구체적으로 통화정책에 있어서 통화당국 관료의 재량권 여지가 큰 중앙은행 대출이 적립금과 직접적인 관계가 있음을 실증분석을 통해 검증한다. 한국의 경우, 이미 김인배 외(2001)에서 중앙은행 적립금이 중앙은행 대출과 관련이 있음을 보였던바, 이를 국제자료를 통해 확인함으로써 중앙은행 적립금의 성격과 의미를 재고하며 동시에 가설의 일반화를 시도한다.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제20권6호
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• pp.51-63
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• 2020

본 연구는 노베르트 엘리아스의 진행형 사회학 알려진 문명화 과정 이론을 중심으로 전통적으로 비영어권 또는 아시아권 영화에 대한 시상이 드물었던 아카데미 시상식에서 처음으로 4개 부문의 오스카 트로피를 수상한 영화 <기생충>과의 '기득권과 아웃사이더 (Elias & Scotson, 1994)' 권력관계를 연구했다. 연구 분석을 위하여 지난 제92회 수상식 전후 한 달 기간의 미국과 한국 6개의 신문을 질적 내용분석을 했다. 첫 번째로, 전통적으로 아카데미 시상식은 비영어권 또는 아시아권 영화들에 기득권적 배경이 있었다. 하지만 지난 제92회 시상식에서 영화 <기생충>의 4개 부문 수상으로 전통적인 아카데미의 기득권에 변화가 나타났다. 두 번째로 역사적으로 비영어권 영화에 대해 아카데미 시상식의 전통적 낙인(언어적 낙인)과 집단 카리스마 (아카데미 시상식) 등을 확인할 수 있었다. 마지막으로, 아카데미 시상식에 관한 양국 신문 보도는 일반적으로 유사하지만, 한국 신문의 경우 기사를 통한 개인, 사회 그리고 국가의 일체화 양상이 발견되었다.