• Journal of Animal Science and Technology
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• v.61 no.3
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• pp.147-153
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• 2019

A goal for swine farming is the improvement in the number of live-born and weaned piglets per sow. Hence, the effect of parities should consider the correlation between the component traits of reproductive performance, weaning, and duration. Sows were housed in farrowing pens (W 2.2 ${\times}$ D 1.8 ${\times}$ H 1.2 m) on a partially slatted plastic floor. Twenty sows used in this study were between the first and sixth parity in gilts (P1), parity 2-5 (P3), and parity 6-9 (P6). Data collection by parity was classified into three categories: (1) reproduction performance (gestation length, total number of piglets born, number of piglets live born, number of piglets stillborn, total piglet birth weight; (2) weaning traits (weaning period, number of piglets weaning, total piglets weaning weight); (3) duration traits (farrowing duration, placenta expulsion duration, time from last piglet to first placenta, average birth interval, and tail wagging behavior). Gestation length was higher in P6 than P1 and P3 of different parity sows. The maximum value in P1 and P3 was 117 days, but the median value in P6 was 117 days (p < 0.05). The total number of piglets born (p = 0.113), number of piglets live born (p = 0.118), number of still piglets born (p = 0.151), and total piglet birth weight (p = 0.117) were not affected by parity. The number of live piglets was higher than the other parities by an average of $15.6{\pm}2.1$ in P1. The duration of farrowing was the lowest at 22.2 min in P6, but the maximum value was 42.2 min more than other parities (p = 0.355). Weaning traits of sows also did not differ significantly (p > 0.05), but the weaning period from P1 was lower than that of the other parities (p = 0.170). The number of piglets weaned was 10 heads on average in P1, P3, and P6 (p < 0.05). However, the mean values of the total piglet weaning weight (p = 0.377) of P6 (62.0 10.4 kg) were higher than those of P1 (54.9 10.2 kg) and P3 (58.4 13.6 kg). The placenta expulsion duration was higher in P6 than that in P1 and P3 (p = 0.447). The time from the last piglet to first placenta was be lower in P3 than that of the other parities (p = 0.206). The average birth interval was higher in P3 than that of the other parities (p = 0.156). Tail wagging (count) behavior was higher in P6 than in the other parities (p = 0.065). The data showed that the reproduction performance, total piglets born, and weight were higher in the gilts group, and higher in the weaning trait than that in the P6 group. This study examined the relationship between reproductive performance, birth interval and tail motion according to sow parity. Regarding duration, farrowing duration was lower in P6 than that in the other parities, but placenta expulsion and tail wagging were higher in P6 than in the other parities. Therefore, it is possible that the results from these sows could be used as basic data for effective farm management.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.3
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• pp.144-179
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• 2010

Investigation into iron manufacture relics has been active since 1970s, especially accelerated in 1990s across the country. Consideration of the importance of production site relics has lately attracted attention to iron manufacture relics. Methodological studies of the investigation into iron manufacture relics, however, were less made compared with those of the investigation into tomb, dwelling, or swampy place relics. It is because the process of iron manufacture is too complicated to understand and also requires professional knowledge of metal engineering. With the recognition of these problems this research is to form an opinion about how to excavate, to rearrange and classify, and to examine iron manufacture relics, based upon the understanding of the nature of iron, iron production process, and metal engineering features of related relics like slag, iron lumps and so on. This research classifies iron manufacture relics into seven types according to the production process; mining, smelting, refining, tempering, melting, steelmaking, and the others. Then it arranges methods to survey in each stage of field study, trial digging, and excavation. It also explains how to classify and examine excavated relics, what field of natural science to be used to know the features of relics, and what efforts have been made to reconstruct a furnace and what their problems were, making the best use of examples, drawings, and photos. It comes to the conclusion, in spite of the lack of in-depth discussion on application and development of various investigation methods, that iron manufacture relics can be classified according to the production process, that natural sciences should be applied to get comprehensive understanding of relics as well as archeological knowledge, and that efforts to reconstruct a furnace should be continued from the aspect of experimental archeology.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.112-131
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• 2011

This article reports the results of scientific analysis using SEM-EDX, XRD, TG/DTA, performed on 5 green glaze samples of the brick and roofing tile excavated from the Sacheonwang temple site in Gyeongju in order to verify the chemical compositions and melting temperature. The glaze samples on 2 clay statues have similar chemical composition (PbO 74~81%, $SiO_2$ 14~18%) and melting temperature range ($970{\sim}1070^{\circ}C$), whereas the 2 tiles of goblin's face and 1 rhomb brick have different characteristics. Sample SC 003 (made of PbO 63~67%, $SiO_2$ 25~28%), one of the tiles of goblin's face, shows low melting temperature range (below $970^{\circ}C$), and sample SC 004 (composed of PbO 64~70%, $SiO_2$ 19~25% and melting point $970{\sim}1070^{\circ}C$), the other tile of goblin's face, shows different chemical characteristics compared with 2 clay statues. The green glaze on rhomb brick shows different composition compared with all the others from Sacheonwang temple site in that it does not show any impurity elements other than the main components (PbO 87~88%, $SiO_2$ 12~13%) with very low melting temperature range ($750{\sim}770^{\circ}C$). Surprizingly, the chemical and optical characteristics of this green-glaze on rhomb brick are very similar to that on the bricks from Yeongmyo temple site, Gyeongju. The above results indicate that raw material and manufacturing method are not same for 5 green-glaze samples from Sacheonwang temple site and therefore suggests that further study on the provenance of raw material such as lead isotope analysis is necessary. Our work will provide basic data for future reproduction study of green glazed brick of Sacheonwang temple site, Gyeongju and will also serve as a reference data for the study of raw material and manufacturing method of green glaze from other sites of cultural assets.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.4
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• pp.112-131
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• 2009

The Trikaya Banner Painting in the Suta-sa Temple at Hongcheon-gun, Gangwon-do draws attention as it was painted not on flax but on paper, and used the water color painting technique on the sketch rather than the deep color painting technique, which is most common in Buddhist paintings created during the Chosun Dynasty. Nevertheless, there is not any information on the creation of the Trikaya Banner Painting in the painting record on the painting, in Sutasasajeok(壽陀寺史蹟), or in Sutasagogirok(壽陀寺古記錄), so it is uncertain when the painting was created. Furthermore, because it was not drawn by the deep color painting technique, it has been difficult to compare it with other banner paintings. For these reasons, the Trikaya Banner Painting has been studied little except brief introduction. In recent preservation treatment that removed multiple-layered paper from the back of the painting, however, an inked inscription written on Korean paper 118cm high and 87.5cm wide was discovered on the back. It is a kind of placard notifying a number of acts prohibited in order to follow Buddha's teachings correctly, and was found to have been written on April 15, 1690. The inked inscription is a very valuable material for estimating the creation date of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting, and provides crucial clues for approaching the contents and nature of the painting more precisely. When the image, form, and style of the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting were examined and its creation date was estimated based on the inked inscription, first, the painting is presumed to have been created in around 1690 as suggested by 'the placard' attached on the back instead of a painting record. Second, the painting is highly likely to be the first standing Trikaya banner painting showing the basic icons of Trikaya banner paintings in the Chosun Dynasty since the Trikaya Banner Painting in the Gap-sa Temple in Gongju (1650). Furthermore, considering the shape of the Trikaya in the painting, screen composition, background treatment, solemn and affectionate facial expression, harmonious and adequate body proportion, etc., the painting is believed to have had a considerable influence not only on Trikaya banner paintings of similar style in the 18thcentury but also on deep-color Trikaya banner paintings in the 19thcentury. Third, although the Suta-sa Trikaya Banner Painting is not acompleted work but a sketch, it exhibits the typical water color painting technique in which the strokes are clearly visible. Thus, it is considered highly valuable in understanding and analyzing stroke styles and in studying the history of Buddhist paintings. As there are not many extant banner paintings of the same style in form and expression technique as the Suta-sa Temple Trikaya Banner Painting, this study could not make thorough comparative analysis of the work, but still it is meaningful in that it laid the ground for research on standing Trikaya banner paintings in the 18thand 19thcenturies in the Chosun Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.70-95
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• 2013

The Tejaprabha Buddha painting, located in the Korai Museum in Kyoto, Japan, was made in 1569 when Joseon Dynasty was in his $14^{th}$ year under SeonJo's ruling, and is only one of Tejaprabha Buddha paintings from the early Chosun dynasty. With its well preserved state, the painting allows clear indications of all icons and list of names that were written, and the record region also has minimal deterioration. This Buddhist painting is a GumSeonMyoHwa which is drawn with gold lining on red hemp cloth and has a relatively small dimension of $84.8{\times}66.1cm$. With the Tejaprabha Buddha in the center, the painting has two unidentified Bodhisattvas, Navagrabha, Rahu, Keto, YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of the eastern philosophy), SipYiGoong (12 zodiacs of the western philosophy), SamDaeYookSung, and BookDooChilSung (the Big Dipper), all of which provide resourceful materials for constellation worshipin the Joseon era. This painting has a crucial representation of the overall Tejaprabha Buddhism - a type of constellation worships - from the early Joseon dynasty. Even though the composition does seem to be affiliated with the paintings from the Koryo dynasty, there are meaningful transformations that reflect changes in content into constellation worship in Joseon dynasty. As a part of the Tejaprabha Buddha, SipIlYo has become a center of the painting, but with reduced guidance and off-centered 'Weolpe (star)', the painting deteriorates the concept of SipIlYo's composition. Furthermore, addition of Taoistic constellation beliefs, such as JaMiSung (The purple Tenuity Emperor of the North Pole), OkHwangDaeChae, and CheonHwangJae, eliminates the clear distinction between Taoistic and Buddhist constellation worships. Unlike the Chinese Tejaprabha Buddha painting, the concept of YiSipPalSoo (28 constellation of eastern philosophy) in this painting clearly reflects Korean CheonMoonDo's approach to constellation which can be applied to its uniqueness of the constellation worships. The fact that the Big Dipper and ChilWonSungKoon (Buddha of the Root Destiny Stars of the Northern and central Dipper) are simultaneously drawn can also be interpreted as the increase in importance of the constellation worship at the time as well.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.4-15
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• 2012

Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.99-111
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• 2019

Purpose: Respiratory syncytial virus (RSV) and human rhinovirus (hRV) are the most common causes of child respiratory viral infections. We aimed to investigate epidemiological and clinical characteristics of RSV and hRV single infections and coinfections. Methods: Nasopharyngeal aspirates of hospitalized children aged <5 years were tested using multiplex reverse transcription polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR) from October 2014 to April 2017. Their medical records were retrospectively reviewed. Results: RSV or hRV was detected in 384 patients who divided into 3 groups: patients with RSV (R group, n=258); patients with hRV (H group, n=99); and patients with both (RH group, n=27). The R group (median age, 6 months) consisted of 248 (96.1%) patients with lower respiratory tract infection (LRTI), and 14 (5.4%) needed oxygen inhalation. Infants aged <12 months (63.2%) had respiratory difficulty and were supplied oxygen more often. The H group (median age, 16 months) consisted of 56 (56.6%) patients with LRTI, 4 (4%) required oxygen inhalation, and 1 (1.0%) required mechanical ventilation. Infants (40.4%) showed longer hospitalization compared to patients aged ${\geq}12$ months (5 vs. 4 days, P<0.05). The RH group consisted of 24 (88.9%) patients with LRTI, and 2 (7.4%) needed oxygen inhalation. Hospitalization days and oxygen inhalation and mechanical ventilation rates did not differ between single infections (R and H groups) and coinfections (RH group). Conclusions: RSV was detected more often in younger patients and showed higher LRTI rates compared to hRV. Single infections and coinfections of RSV and hRV showed no difference in severity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.2
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• pp.40-59
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• 2010

Anssolim is the unique technique which standing columns lean in a inward direction of buildings in traditional architecture, which has not been thoroughly investigated to this day. With a dearth of previous studies, the anssolim technique can only be examined through detailed three-dimensional surveys. The main halls of Korean palaces can be seen as buildings that were built with the regulations of the day in mind, making them excellent research subjects when studying the anssolim technique. The findings can be summarized as follows. 1. In the main halls that were studied, anssolim was applied most to main space (eokan) columns, then lessened for peripheral columns. 2. The largest second-floor cheoma columns were placed inward in the eokan, then became smaller as with the peripheral columns. In the case of the eokan, the columns were arranged according to the size of the anssolim. 3. The second-floor cheoma column anssolim in the middle-floor main hall were generally a third or a quarter of the size of those on the first floor. As on the first floor, the largest anssolim were applied to the eokan columns, then became gradually smaller towards the periphery columns. 4. In the palace main halls, the largest anssolim were used for the eokan columns, and became smaller with the peripheral columns. This unique structure can be seen to be a Korean technique that deviates from the Chinese "Yingzaofashi(營造法式)" techniques. Although this study is limited in that it only studies the main hall of Korean palaces, it is significant in that it shed new light on the technological implications of the anssolim technique, and can be used as important data for research into the history of technology. Although this type of data is difficult to extrapolate, it has been made as accurate as possible by minimizing the margin of error in the data for the palaces that were actually studied.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.52-71
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• 2011

This study was initiated with the intent to consider the features of Gugokwonlim and to compare Gabsagugok(甲寺九曲) to Yongsangugok(龍山九曲) against the backdrop of Mt. Gyeryong by revealing their nature and confirming the names and exact locations. A literature review, interviews with local people and field studies confirmed that Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are each composed of 9 seasonal features. The former is made up of Yongyuso(龍遊沼) - Iilcheon(二一川) - Baengnyonggang(白龍岡) - Dalmuntaek(達門澤) - Geumgyeam(金鷄?) - Myeongwoldam(明月潭) - Gyemyeongam(鷄鳴巖) - Yongmunpok(龍門瀑) - Sujeongbong(水晶峰) while the latter is made up of Simyongmun(尋龍門) - Eunnyongdam(隱龍潭) - Waryonggang(臥龍剛) - Yuryongdae(遊龍臺) - Hwangnyongam(黃龍岩) - Hyeollyongso(見龍沼) - Ullyongtaek(雲龍澤) - Biryongchu(飛龍湫) - Sillyongyeon(神龍淵). Both Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are part of Gugokwonlim built in the valleys of Mt. Gyeryong in the late Joseon Dynasty by Byeoksu Yun Deok-yeong (1927) and Chwieum Gwon Jun-myeon (1932), respectively, with a 5 year difference. Gabsagugok was supposedly designed to reflect an individual taste for the arts and to admire principles of Juyeok (ch. Zhouyi) and the beauty of nature. On the contrary, Yongsangugok appears to be the builder's expression of his longing for independence day, likened to the life of a dragon after receiving the sad news of Japan's annexation of Korea. Such differences show that these two builders had very different intentions from one another. The letters of Gabsagugok have a semi cursive style and were deeply engraved on the rock in a square shape. Consequently they have not been worn away except for those in Yongyuso, the first Gok. In contrast, the letters in Yongsangugok have an antiquated, cursive-Yija style but because they were engraved relatively lightly, serious wear and damage occurred. In terms of location, Gabsagugok was built around Ganseongjang adjacent to the 5th Gok while Yongsangugok was set up around the 5th Gok, Hwangnyongam. Meanwhile, the important motif which forms the background of Gabsagugok seemingly highlights the geographic identity of Mt. Gyeryong using the dragon and the chicken as themes. It also appears to symbolize the principles of Juyeok focusing on Kan of the Eight Trigrams for divination; this requires an in-depth study for confirmation. The main motif and theme of Yongsangugok is the dragon. It infuses the builder's intentions in Sangsinri Valley by communicating with nature through a story of a dragon's life from birth to ascension. It is assumed that he tried to use this story to express his hope for restoring the national spirit and reconstructing the country.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.138-161
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• 2011

The 'Jwasuyeongseongji' (Site of naval wall-fortress in Suyeong) in Busan is the subject of this study. It has been desturbed mostly, and is named 'Suyeong historic site'. One of the important aspects of 'Jwasuyeongseongji' is that it was a historic place confronting with the Japanese Invasion of Chosun in 1592. This was the place where the Japanese Invasion of Chosun broke out and a number of people were slaughtered by the Japanese invaders. Now the place is converted to a playground. Although 'Jwasuyeongseongji' is the place of historic interest, the forest area is separated by paths and sidewalks. Further, there are sports facilities and relaxing people. Examples of advanced countries show that the abuse like Jwaisuyeongseongji is thoroughly prohibited. Although the Dangsan forest of jwasuyeongseongji remains in the megalopolis of Busan, it has been damaged and abused in spite of being a historic site. Nevertheless, Jwasuyeongseongji is an invaluable traditional cultural heritage. The objective of this study was to search for solutions of authenticity restoration for the remains of Dangsan forest at Jwasuyeongseongji in Busan. The Dangsan forest at Jwasuyeongseongji is a forest of Pinus thunbergii in an area of $130{\times}230m$. Jwasuyeongseongji is currently named Suyeong historic park, and is registered as monuments No. 8 by Suyeong-gu, Busan. The two Dangsan trees at Jwasuyeongseongji are registered as natural monuments No. 270 and No. 311. The complex management system needs to be designated as 'Dangsan forest of Jwasuyeongseongji in Busan', and managed as a natural monument or national historic site. Dangsan forest has a meaning of divine place. Therefore, the artificial facilities need to be removed from Dangsan forest so that the original features are restored with the spirit of Jwasuyeongseongji. Also, the administration needs to be transfered from Suyeong-gu, Busan to the Cultural Heritage Administration.