• Journal of architectural history
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.121-140
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• 2007

Seowon(書院) is a representing institution in Choseon Dynasty not only educationally but also politically and economically. Due to the artificial crackdown by Daewon-gun in 1871 and destruction by wars, it is difficult to restore and interpret the Seowon accurately at present. It is well known that the 'Basic Form' of the Seowon consists of an inner court, enclosed by the rear gangdang (lecture hall), dongseo-jae (east and west dormitory), and the front munlu (gate pavilion or upper story bower for relaxation), represented by so called 'front-dormitory rear-lecture-hall type', that is, 'jeonjae hudang(前齋後堂) type'. However, it is overlooked that this Basic Form is a product of Youngnam School located only in Youngnam area. A different form, of 'front-lecture-hall rear-dormitory type', or 'jeonndang hujae(前堂後齋) type' is located only in Gyeonggi, Hoseo and Honam area. It has been wrongly analyzed that the type is a result of the later period, emphasizing the memorial service rather than the lecture itself, and worshipping loyalists than Confucian scholars. Analysis encompassing each Seowon architecture has been mistakenly made by historians as "deterioration" of the original educational purpose of the Seowon from the early period to the later period. This paper raises the fact that the form of jeondang hujae type has been established since the early period of Seowon in the 16th Century. It has a unique order of space itself. Here, the lecture hall faces toward sadang (shrine). The inner court, enclosed by east and west jae and the lecture hall, becomes the outer yard of the shrine, and as a result two main spaces of the shrine and lecture area is merged into one. While the munlu of the basic type encloses the inner court of the main area, the munlu of jeondang hujae type is located at the vicinity area. This paper reinterprets the jeondang hujae type not as a form coming out of degenerated period but as a type that belongs to a different Confucian school, the area of Kiho, and concludes that the Seowon is a product of political struggles between the two schools and of the local economical situation. Each school has maintained his own type of form, therefore the remaining Kiho Seowon architecture can be reevaluated.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.31 no.6
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• pp.17-32
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• 2022

Ijidang(二止堂) is a private village school (seodang, 書堂) established in Okcheon, north Chungcheong province where Jungbong Jo, Heon(重峯 趙憲, 1544-1592 AD) had trained for his sound mind and body(yusangcheo, 遊賞處). Jo, Heon was a notable Neo-Confucian scholar of the Kiho School and also a righteous general leading soldiers in Joseon Dynasty. According to Ijidanggi(二止堂記), Ijidang was constructed to honor Jo, Heon and to train local talents in 1647 with the support of Song, Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689 AD),a representative scholar belong to Kiho School and other local Confucian scholars. Ijidang currently consists of Main Body(本體) in the middle along with the East(Dong-lu 東樓) and the West Pavilions(Seo-lu 西樓) attached to each side. The Main Body and the Dong-lu firstly constructed were to give lectures and to rest within. Ijidang has undergone several changes in its form so far. The surrounding nearby Ijidang shows characteristics of the Confucian architecture for training(J eong-sa, 精舍) and the building itself was to be built in a scenic place apart from the secular world in which scholars stayed, cultivated their body and mind or taught disciples within. The lecture space of Ijidang is positioned next to the main hall(Dae-cheong 大廳) unlike other typical forms of a three-bay building(samganjije 三間之制) at that period. West lu, a two-story building added afterwards in the early 18th century representing characteristics of the Gate Pavilion(Mullu, 門樓) of Neo-Confucian Academies(Seo-won, 書院) in Joseon Dynasty was typically located where the entrance and the ground floor of the main building are visible simultaneously.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.349-386
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• 2014

Noju Oh Hui-sang(1763-1833) is one of the neo-Confucian scholars representing with Hong Chik-pil the Kiho-Nak School from the late 18th to the early 19th century. He did sincerely not only succeed theories of Kiho School originated from Yulgok, but also strengthened the main view of the Nak faction by clarifying the theoretical stance of it derived from Kim Chang-hyop. Not only he does suggest critical points of view against Ho faction in terms of Horak Controversy, but also criticizes heterodox account, which raised by an inner circle of Nak faction. In this vein, Oh established the neo-Confucian ways of realization of morality and ideal society by setting up his own points of view on mind and bright virtues that are followed by various issues of Horak Controversy. My paper will examine the values of Oh's account of Nature-Principle in the light of intellectual historical context by paying a special attention to his critical views of Ho faction. Oh's main idea is how to systematize practical foundation of realizing morality. Thus, he wants to theoretically explain both the practice of morality and the reality of pure moral mind in order to establish concrete practices of them in the real world. In doing so, he pays attention to mutual inclusive relationship between Principle and Matter(ki:氣). The mutual inclusive relationship between them can be exactly applied into the relationship between mind and Nature. So, the realityof moral principle explicitly implies the pure goodness of moral agency. Furthermore, his elucidation of logical relationship between mind and Nature and its values via the ontological understanding of them is to set up a system of cultivation, i.e., realizing practical foundation of pure moral mind. In conclusion, we can evaluate that Oh's account of Nature-Principle, at least, aims not only at establishment of moral agency and its reality in a theoretical dimension, but also at a guarantee of their realization in the world.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.49-61
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• 2019

This study aims to examine the spatial recognition of the characters who visited Anuisamdong(安義三洞) in the past and left it in the literature. Thus, the school's relationship between people identified in the relevant literature was analyzed and the elements of landscape were extracted. The results were as follows; First, The figures who authored the literature on Anuisamdong were related to scholars living in Anuihyun(安義縣), along with the Yeongnam confucian genealogy. Starting with Jung, Yeo-Chang(鄭汝昌) in the 15th century, a relationship centered on Nammyeong School(南溟學派) in the 16th century was formed. At that time, people had toured the Anuisamdong regardless of the academic background. In the 17th century, Nammyeong School were in conflict with Toegye School(退溪學派), so Toegye School's influence had no record. In the 18th century, the proportion of Nammyeong School, Toegye School, and Kiho School(畿湖學派) appeared similar as they evolved into the Yeongnam School(嶺南學派). After the 19th century, the proportion of patriots who participated in the anti-Japanese movement was higher than that of schools. Second, The main places used in the literature related to Anuisamdongwere the order of Wonhakdong(猿鶴洞), Hwrimdong(花林洞) and Simjindong(尋眞洞). There are a total of 21 major elements used for the related literature, of which Suseungdae Rock(搜勝臺), Morijae House(某里齋), Nongwaljeong Pavilion(弄月亭), Sasundae Rock(四仙臺) and Cheoksuam Rock(滌愁巖) were the main subjects. Elements of Wonhakdong have been in the spotlight since the 16th century, focusing on Suseungdae Rock. Although the elements of Hwarimdong have been increasing gradually since the 18th century, the ratio of Simjindong to Wonhakdong and Hwarimdong was relatively small. Third, The relationship between the figures who visited the Anuisamdong and the spatial recognition of the Anuisamdong was divided into landscape awareness, emotional awareness and symbolic recognition. The Anuisamdong's scenic view is mostly identified by its description of the waterscape and topographical landscape, which people may have perceived as a scenic site centered on the valley view at the time. The mutual influence of Nammyeong School and Toegye School in the 16th and 17th centuries led to a scene in which the major figures of each school recognized pleasure as a culture of training, and a feeling of longing for the traces of past ancestors as the 18th century travel culture and the 19th century chaotic situation. In addition, the symbolic expression that usually appears is likely to have been recognized as a unworldly place, as the location of the immortal world is confirmed.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.54
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• pp.9-42
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• 2017

It is as necessary as ever to make constant efforts to overcome the regional strife between the eastern and western parts of Korea and come to a mutual understanding. To achieve this, we must endeavor to correct Korean people's distorted understanding of the history of Korean philosophical thoughts. Ordinary Koreans commonly and mistakenly associate the academic circles of Korean Neo-Confucianism with certain regions by which to divide them into Giho School and Yongnam School and then go as far as associating the schools and parties and pegging them 'Namin'(南人) to refer to as the followers of Yongnam School and 'Seoin'(西人) as the followers of Giho School. Such false notions must be corrected. During the reign of King Seonjo, political factions of Joseon were split into Yongnam and Giho, or East and West. At the time, the two cardinal directions East and West were only used to refer to the eastern and western parts of Seoul, and not Yeongnam(East) and Giho(West) of the Korean Peninsula. Therefore, the factional split at the time has nothing to do with regional cleavages. In fact, a majority of scholars representing Korean Neo-Confucianism maintained a friendly relationship regardless of the school, party, and region. Many leading scholars in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty namely Jo Sik(曺植)/Seong Woon(成運), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Ki DeaSeung(奇大升), Lee Hwang(李滉)/Lee Yi(李珥), Noh Susin (盧守愼)/Lee Yi, the ones in the late Joseon Dynasty -Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經 世)/Kim Jang-Saeng(金長生), Jeong Gyeong Se(鄭經世)/Song Joon Gil(宋浚吉), and also those at the end of the Joseon Dynasty such as Kwak JongSeok(郭鍾錫) and Kim BokHan(金福漢) deeply respected each other and had a close friendship rooted in their academic commitment. The friendship between the leaders of Giho and Yongnam is a testimony to the high level of their character, academic achievement, and intellect. More than ever, such intangible intellectual and cultural resources drawn from Korean tradition must be utilized to the fullest. From this point on, we need to further promote the friendship and mutual understanding the scholars of Yongnam(Gyeongsang-do), Gyeonggi, Honam (Jeolla-do), and Hoseo(Chungcheong-do) enjoyed, and use them as a cognitive basis for harmony between the eastern and western parts of the country. These invaluable assets can be specifically used in the promotion of exchange between the local autonomous governments of the regions where above-mentioned scholars built an amicable relationship, joint commemorative events, exchange between families of the scholars of both regions, opening of special exhibitions dedicated to the harmony between Yongnam and Giho at museums in the two regions, co-organization of local festivals, joint operation of culture programs, and relationship and exchange between the 'seowons' in both regions, through which to promote the long history of exchange between the scholars of the past and utilize it in joint projects.