• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.8
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• pp.184-200
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• 2021

This study proposes to secure the necessity and possibility of creating a footwear-only district utilizing the Kaesong Industrial Complex, a special economic zone in the North Korea. This is a policy proposal to explore strategic values for revitalizing the Korean footwear industry through a win-win cooperation model between the South and North Korea. With SWOT-AHP analysis method, we are planning to establish a strategy to utilize the footwear-only complex in Kaesong Industrial Complex for sustainability of the footwear industry. It presents a direction to overcome the industrial structural problems that the domestic footwear industry is facing with the aspect of the possibility of inter-Korea cooperation. As a result of the analysis, the 'SO strategy' is a proposal to establish inter-Korea cooperation K-shoe belt through footwear clusters in the two Koreas. The 'WO strategy' is an internationalization strategy of the Kaesong footwear-only complex. The 'ST strategy' is the use of flexible governance in the creation of a footwear-only complex for the relief of sanctions against North Korea. The 'WT strategy' is a paradigm shift in the perception of the peace economy in the footwear industry of inter-Korea for the re-opening of the Kaesong Industrial Complex.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.5
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• pp.32-51
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• 2023

Because red ginseng was exported in large quantities to the Qing Dynasty in the 19th century, a large-scale ginseng cultivation complex was established in Kaesong. Sibyunje (時邊制), a privately led loan system unique to merchants in Kaesong, made it possible for them to raise the enormous capital required for ginseng cultivation. The imperial family of the Korean Empire promulgated the Posamgyuchik (包蔘規則) in 1895, and this signaled the start of the red ginseng monopoly system. In 1899, when the invasion of ginseng farms by the Japanese became severe, the imperial soldiers were sent to guard the ginseng farms to prevent the theft of ginseng by the Japanese. Furthermore, the stateled compensation mission, Baesanggeum Seongyojedo (賠償金 先交制度), provided 50%-90% of the payment for raw ginseng, which was paid in advance of harvest. In 1895, rising seed prices prompted some merchants to import and sell poor quality seeds from China and Japan. The red ginseng trade order was therefore promulgated in 1920 to prohibit the import of foreign seeds without the government's permission. In 1906-1910, namely, the early period of Japanese colonial rule, ginseng cultivation was halted, and the volume of fresh ginseng stocked as a raw material for red ginseng in 1910 was only 2,771 geun (斤). However, it increased significantly to 10,000 geun between 1915 and 1919 and to 150,000 geun between 1920 and 1934. These increases in the production of fresh ginseng as a raw material for red ginseng were the result of various policies implemented in 1908 with the aim of fostering the ginseng industry, such as prior disclosure of the compensation price for fresh ginseng, loans for cultivation expenditure in new areas, and the payment of incentives to excellent cultivators. Nevertheless, the ultimate goal of Japanese imperialism at the time was not to foster the growth of Korean ginseng farming, but to finance the maintenance of its colonial management using profits from the red ginseng business.