• Title/Summary/Keyword: JoGun

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PASKYULA's Theory of Art (파스큐라의 미술론)

  • Jung, Ju-Young
    • The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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    • no.5
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    • pp.43-80
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    • 2007
  • PASKYULA was formed in September, 1923 through the union of artists involved in two art groups: Kim Ki-Jin, Kim Bok-Jin, Yeon Hak-Nyeon who had previously participated in the ToWolHoi, and Park Young-Hi, Lee Sang-Hwa, An Seok-Ju, former members of the BaeckJo. After its founding, the PASKYULA artists had been searching for the social function of art to reform the harsh reality of Minjung and the nation with criticism toward society as well as art world. Their art theory for MinJung could grow relatively ease in relation to changing social and political conditions in the early 1920s. In August, 1925, PASKYULA organized the Korea Artista Proletaria Federatio with the YeomGunSa, and laid the groundwork for Proletariat art movement which was regularized in the late 1920s. From PASKYULA up to the early state of KAPF, the theory of art advocated by Kim Bok-Jin and An Seok-Ju could be summarized as "art for MinJung". At that time, widely ranging discourses on MinJung, however, was spawned in art theory, because many intellectuals-including artists and writers-begun to pay more attention to MinJung, who emerged as one of the social forces after the Samil Independent Movement. Sometimes, MinJung was construed as the target of enlightenment from a negative viewpoint. On the other hand, several intellectuals under the influence of individualism asserted that the discussion itself on MinJung exerted an evil influence on art. In contrast of these cases, the PASKYULA artists including Kim Bok-Jin, An Seok-Ju perceived that MinJung had the potential to change society, and regarded them as "a creator of genuine civilization and art". In the PASKYULA artist's writings, the concept of MinJung was often overlapped with the meaning of the Choson nation suffering under colony. Although their concept of MinJung was transformed gradually into the proletariat as they were under the strong influence of socialism, it did not change that they grasped the realities of the whole Choson Peninsula through the proletarian consciousness. In the early state of PASKYULA, the methodology for social function of art was presented in a twofold manner. First of all, Kim Bok-Jin emphasized on the necessity of education to improve MinJung's way of life through art, and it was embodied by the organization of ToWol Art Workshop and public lecture. Also, he championed "the popularization of art", which was one of methods to distribute art to MinJung. According to the PASKYULA artists, art should be not art for art' sake but art for MinJung. That was why they advocated the convergence of art and MinJung's life. Especially Kim Bok-Jin affirmed a link between art and industry because he considered industry the field inextricably linked with MinJung's life. In this context, his idea could be read as the generalization and equalization within the framework of possession. Kim Bok-Jin thought that the social ramifications of capitalism deprived MinJung of their right to enjoy art, and emphasized the artist' social role to return the right to them. That is, the even distribution of art was mainly discussed than the contents of art in the half of 1920s. By 1925, the contents of art itself became an issue in the PASKYULA art theory, and it was based in realism. Kim Bok-Jin and An Seok-Ju insisted that art should be reflection of real life. At that time, realism acquired the representation of MinJung and the nation's realities not realistic style. In fact, the various Western art styles including Futurism, Constructivism, Cubism etc. were exploited in the PASKYULA's visual images. Western art, target of criticism on theory, was selectively adopted in the works which were produced by Kim Bok-Jin and An Seok-Ju. Kim Bok-Jin's MoonYeUnDong cover design was conceived of as the example in which Western art was adopted with it's ideology under the influence of MAVO, while Western art shown in An Seok-Ju's illustrations served as a decorative function in many cases. Especially, An Seok-Ju attempted the various styles of Western art simultaneously, which may be seen as representing that PASKYULA did not have a firm ideology for their style. Also, it can be read as showing his hasty zeal to overcome Western art rapidly. The wish to establish "art for MinJung" as soon as possible was accompanied with the will to jump over the all steps of Western art though it was superficial. This aspiration of PASKYULA was expressed through the mass media, which had the potential for communicating to MinJung. At this point, there was a significant disparity between PASKYULA and another art groups in the first half of 1920s. However, the PASKYULA's method on the basis of the mass media could not but have a certain limitation because of the medium's properties. Nevertheless, PASKYULA' attempts may be considered to be valuable in sense that they expended the boundaries of Korean modern art into the commercial art questioning the matter of the distribution for art.

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Effect of Nitrite Substitution of Sausage with Addition of Purple Sweet Potato Powder and Purple Sweet Potato Pigment (자색고구마 분말과 자색 색소를 이용한 소시지의 아질산염 대체 효과)

  • Lee, Namrye;Kim, Chung Sick;Yu, Gun Sung;Park, Man Chun;Jung, Wan Ou;Jung, Un Kwon;Jo, Yoon Joung;Kim, Kyung Hee;Yook, Hong Sun
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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    • v.44 no.6
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    • pp.896-903
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    • 2015
  • The objective of this study was to investigate the effect of nitrite substitution of sausage with purple sweet potato by examining the quality characteristics of sausage. Four sausage samples were prepared as follows: F1 (0.15% sodium nitrite), F2 (0.2% pigment), F3 (0.2% pigment and 5% powder), and F4 (0.2% pigment and 10% powder). A substitution of sodium nitrite with 0.2% purple sweet potato pigment reduced redness while increased yellowness. However, the addition of 5% purple sweet potato powder to 0.2% purple sweet potato pigment increased redness while reduced yellowness, which was similar to those of sausage with 0.15% addition of sodium nitrite. Further, color change increased as the content of purple sweet potato increased. As the amount of purple sweet potato increased, the contents of Ca, K, and Mg increased but hardness, gumminess, and chewiness decreased. In the sensory evaluation, the addition of purple sweet potato did not influence on appearance, color, or flavor. However, the addition of 10% purple sweet potato decreased the taste and texture of sausage. Correlation coefficients between overall acceptability, texture, appearance, color, taste, and flavor were 0.901, 0.895, 0.877, 0.844, and 0.688, respectively. Therefore, proper content of purple sweet potato powder and purple sweet potato pigment were determined to be 5% and 0.2%, respectively, for the substitution of sodium nitrite.

Changes of Yield and Quality in Potato (Solanum tuberosum L.) by Heat Treatment (폭염처리에 의한 감자의 수량성과 품질 변화)

  • Lee, Gyu-Bin;Choi, Jang-Gyu;Park, Young-Eun;Jung, Gun-Ho;Kwon, Do-Hee;Jo, Kwang-Ryong;Cheon, Chung-Gi;Chang, Dong Chil;Jin, Yong-Ik
    • Korean Journal of Agricultural and Forest Meteorology
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    • v.24 no.3
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    • pp.145-154
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    • 2022
  • Due to abnormal weather conditions caused by climate change, natural disasters and damages are gradually increasing around the world. Global climate change as accompanied by warming is projected to exert adverse impact on production of potato, which is known as cool season crop. Even though, role of potato as a food security crop is expected to increase in the future, the climate change impacts on potato and adaption strategies are not sufficiently established. Therefore, this study was conducted to analyze the damage pattern of potatoes due to high temperature treatment and to evaluate the response of cultivars. T he high temperature treatment (35~38℃) induced heat stress by sealing the plastic house in midsummer (July), and the quantity and quality characteristics of potatoes were compared with the control group. T otal yield, marketable yield (>80 g) and the number of tubers per plants decreased when heat treatment was performed, and statistical significance was evident. In the heat treatment, 'Jayoung' cultivar suffered a high heat damage with an 84% reduction in yield of >80 g compared to the control group. However, in Jopung cultivar, the decrease was relatively small at 26%. Tuber physiological disturbances (Secondary growth, Tuber cracking, Malformation) tended to increase in the heat stress. Under heat conditions, the tubers were elongated overall, which means that the marketability of potatoes was lowered. T he tuber firmness and dry matter content tended to decrease significantly in the heat-treated group. T herefore, the yield and quality of tubers were damaged when growing potatoes in heat conditions. T he cultivar with high heat adaptability was 'Jopung'. T his result can be used as basic data for potato growers and breeding of heat-resistant cultivars.

Quality Characteristics of the Meat Products Reached Expiration Date in Korean Market (유통기한이 임박한 한국산 식육제품의 품질 특성)

  • Yim, Dong-Gyun;Yang, Mi Ra;No, Gun Ryoung;Choi, Dong Sun;Jang, Hyeon Myeong;Kim, Tae Yeon;Jo, Jang Woong;Yang, Seung Chang;Kim, Sam Woong;Kim, Il-Suk
    • Journal of agriculture & life science
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    • v.50 no.4
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    • pp.169-177
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    • 2016
  • This study was carried out to compare microbiological and hygienic quality characteristics of the products reached expiration date among meat products distributing in markets. A total of 20 meat products(6 hams, 3 bacons and 11 sausages) were examined for analyses of pH, Aw, TBARS, VBN, total aerobic microbial counts, and meat colors. The pH values of samples were between 5.33 and 6.59. The water activity (Aw) of samples ranged 0.90-0.93. TBARS and VBN values of samples were 0.11-0.59 and 2.37~14.75, respectively. The contaminated levels of total aerobic bacteria were less than 2.80 CFU/g. In meat color, L*, a*, and b* values of samples were in the range of 56-72, 5.2-34 and 0.7-16, respectively. It is suggested that the quality difference of meat products is attributed to the different additives and manufacturing processes. Therefore, we suggest that the results of this study are not only applied for evaluation of the microbiological and hygienic safety but also served as fundamental information for re-establishing the shelf-life of meat products.

A Study on the Operation Plan of the Gangwon-do Disaster Management Resources Integrated Management Center (강원도 재난관리자원 통합관리센터 운영방안에 관한 연구)

  • Hang-Il Jo;Sang-Beom Park;Kye-Won Jun
    • Journal of Korean Society of Disaster and Security
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    • v.17 no.1
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    • pp.9-16
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    • 2024
  • In Korea, as disasters become larger and more complex, there is a trend of shifting from a focus on response and recovery to a focus on prevention and preparedness. In order to prevent and prepare for disasters, each local government manages disaster management resources by stockpiling them. However, although disaster management resources are stored in individual warehouses, they are managed by department rather than by warehouse, resulting in insufficient management of disaster management resources due to the heavy workload of those in charge. In order to intensively manage these disaster management resources, an integrated disaster management resource management center is established and managed at the metropolitan/provincial level. In the case of Gangwon-do, the subject of this study, a warehouse is rented and operated as an integrated disaster management resource management center. When leasing an integrated management center, there is the inconvenience of having to move the location every 1 to 2 years, so it is deemed necessary to build a dedicated facility in an available site. To select a location candidate, network analysis was used to measure access to and use of facilities along interconnected routes of networks such as roads and railways. During network analysis, the Location-Allocation method, which was widely used in the past to determine the location of multiple facilities, was applied. As a result, Hoengseong-gun in Gangwon-do was identified as a suitable candidate site. In addition, if the integrated management center uses our country's logistics system to stockpile disaster management resources, local governments can mobilize disaster management resources in 3 days, and it is said that it takes 3 days to return to normal life after a disaster occurs. Each city's disaster management resource stockpile is 3 days' worth per week, and the integrated management center stores 3 times the maximum of the city's 4-day stockpile.

A study on the second edition of Koryo Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock (고려재조대장목록고)

  • Jeong Pil-mo
    • Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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    • v.17
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    • pp.11-47
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    • 1989
  • This study intends to examine the background and the procedure of the carving of the tablets of the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock­Lock(재조대장목록). the time and the route of the moving of the tablets. into Haein-sa, and the contents and the system of it. This study is mainly based on the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock. But the other closely related materials such as restored first. edition of the Dae- Jang-Mock-Lock, Koryo Sin-Jo-Dae-Jang-Byeol-Lock (고려신조대장교정별록). Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (개원석교록). Sok-Kae­Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock (속개원석교록). Jeong-Won-Sin-Jeong-Seok-Kyo­Lock(정원신정석교록), Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock(속정원석교록), Dea-Jung-Sang-Bu-Beob-Bo-Lock(대중상부법보록), and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock(경우신수법보록), are also analysed and closely examined. The results of this study can be summarized as follows: 1. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana(고려대장경) was carved for the purpose of defending the country from Mongolia with the power of Buddhism, after the tablets of the first edition in Buin-sa(부이사) was destroyed by fire. 2. In 1236. Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(대장도감) was established, and the preparation for the recarving of the tablets such as comparison between the content, of the first edition of Tripitalk Koreana, Gal-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae­Jang-Kyeong and Kitan Dae- Jang-Kyeong, transcription of the original copy and the preparation of the wood, etc. was started. 3. In 1237 after the announcement of Dae-Jang-Gyeong-Gak-Pan-Gun­Sin-Gi-Go-Mun(대장경핵판군신석고문), the carving was started on a full scale. And seven years later (1243), Bun-Sa-Dae-Jang-Do-Gam(분사대장도감) was established in the area of the South to expand and hasten the work. And a large number of the tablets were carved in there. 4. It took 16 years to carve the main text and the supplements of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, the main text being carved from 1237 to 1248 and the supplement from 1244 to 1251. 5. It can be supposed that the tablets of the second edition of Tripitaka Koreana, stored in Seon-Won-Sa(선원사), Kang-Wha(강화), for about 140 years, was moved to Ji-Cheon-Sa(지천사), Yong-San(용산), and to Hae-In-Sa(해인사) again, through the west and the south sea and Jang-Gyeong-Po(장경포), Go-Ryeong(고령), in the autumn of the same year. 6. The second edition of Tripitaka Koreana was carved mainly based on the first edition, comparing with Gae-Bo-Chik-Pan-Dae-Jang-Kyeong(개보판대장경) and Kitan Dae-Jang-Kyeong(계단대장경). And the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock also compiled mainly based on the first edition with the reference to Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. 7. Comparing with the first edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock, in the second edition 7 items of 9 volumes of Kitan text such as Weol-Deung­Sam-Mae-Gyeong-Ron(월증삼매경론) are added and 3 items of 60 volumes such as Dae-Jong-Ji-Hyeon-Mun-Ron(대종지현문논) are substituted into others from Cheon chest(천함) to Kaeng chest(경함), and 92 items of 601 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added after Kaeng chest. And 4 items of 50 volumes such as Yuk-Ja-Sin-Ju-Wang-Kyeong(육자신주왕경) are ommitted in the second edition. 8. Comparing with Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Cheon chest to Young chest (영함) of the second edition is compiled according to Ib-Jang-Lock(입장록) of Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock. But 15 items of 43 vol­umes such as Bul-Seol-Ban-Ju-Sam-Mae-Kyeong(불설반주삼매경) are ;added and 7 items of 35 volumes such as Dae-Bang-Deung-Dae-Jib-Il­Jang-Kyeong(대방등대집일장경) are ommitted. 9. Comparing with Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, 3 items of the 47 volumes (or 49 volumes) are ommitted and 4 items of 96 volumes are ;added in Caek chest(책함) to Mil chest(밀함) of the second edition. But the items are arranged in the same order. 10. Comparing with Dae- Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock, the arrangement of the second edition is entirely different from it. But 170 items of 329 volumes are also included in Doo chest(두함) to Kyeong chest(경함) of the second edition, and 53 items of 125 volumes in Jun chest(존함) to Jeong chest(정함). And 10 items of 108 volumes in the last part of Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo-Beob-Bo-Lock are ommitted and 3 items of 131 volumes such as Beob-Won-Ju-Rim-Jeon(법원주임전) are added in the second edition. 11. Comparing with Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, all of the items (21 items of 161 volumes) are included in the second edition without ;any classificatory system. And 22 items of 172 volumes in the Seong­Hyeon-Jib-Jeon(성현집전) part such as Myo-Gak-Bi-Cheon(묘각비전) are ommitted. 12. The last part of the second edition, Joo chest(주함) to Dong chest (동함), includes 14 items of 237 volumes. But these items cannot be found in any other former Buddhist catalog. So it might be supposed as the Kitan texts. 13. Besides including almost all items in Kae-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock and all items in Sok-Jeong-Won-Seok-Kyo-Lock, Dae-Jung-Sang-Bo­Beob-Bo-Lock, and Kyeong-Woo-Sin-Su-Beob-Bo-Lock, the second edition of Dae-Jang-Mock-Lock includes more items, at least 20 items of about 300 volumes of Kitan Tripitaka and 15 items of 43 volumes of traditional Korean Tripitake that cannot be found any others. Therefore, Tripitaka Koreana can be said as a comprehensive Tripitaka covering all items of Tripitakas translated in Chinese character.

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Investigation of the location of Jagiso eunchon in Goheung-hyeon and review the characteristics of Undae-ri kiln (고흥현 자기소(磁器所) 은촌(犾村)의 위치 탐색과 운대리 가마터 성격 검토)

  • SUNG Yungil
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.4
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    • pp.72-92
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    • 2023
  • As described above, the location of Jagiso eunchon in Goheung-hyeon and the nature of Undae-ri kiln site were examined. Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency was moved to Joyang-hyeon, which is now Joseong-myeon, Boseong-gun in 1395. Therefore, Goheung-hyeon Jagiso Eunchon in Sejongsillok Jiriji corresponding to 1424~1432 should be found in the west of Joseong-myeon, Boseong, where the administrative agency was moved in 1395. Among the four boundaries of Goheung-hyeon recorded in the 『Sejongsillok』 Jiriji, it is recorded as 2-ri by the sea in the south and 8-ri by Nakan in the east. If the current Goheung-hyeon is Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency in the Sejongsillok Jiriji Records Compilation Period, it cannot be the boundary the south and east mentioned above. This is because it cannot be 2-ri from the current Goheung-eup to the sea in the south, and Nakan is close to the north, not the east, as recorded. However, it has already been suggested that Joyanghyeonseong(朝陽縣城), located in Gonae Village, Ucheon-ri, Josung-myeon, Boseonggun is an Goheunghyeon's administrative agency. And if the four-way boundary of Goheung-hyeon was converted into the current distance unit based on this place(Joyanghyeonseong, 朝陽縣城), an approximate result could be obtained even if it did not exactly match. Therefore, it is highly likely that Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency, which was moved to Joyang-hyeon, Boseong in 1395, is Gonae Village, Ucheon-ri, JoSeong-myeon, Boseong. Jagiso eunchon(犾村) in Goheung-hyeon can be interpreted as a "dog-shouting village." It is thought to be a meaning structure of "animal + sound". A place name thought to have the same structure was identified in Jeongheung-ri, west of Ucheon-ri, Joseongmyeon, Boseong. It is the name of a village called Hoeum-dong(虎吟洞), and it is interpreted as the sound of a tiger or the bark of a tiger, which is the same as the meaning structure of Eunchon. However, there is Gaesan Village in the south of Hoeum-dong, and a Buncheong ware kiln site was identified around it. At this kiln site, a fragment of carved Buncheong ware engraved with the character "Eon", which corresponds to the right stroke of the character "Seom (贍)" in the name "Naeseom (內贍)" was identified. A small amount of Buncheong ware and Joseon celadon pieces were also identified. It can be seen that the Buncheong ware paid to the government was made by checking the Buncheong ware with the government name engraved on it. On the west side of Joyanghyeonseong Fortress in Ucheon-ri, joseong-myeon, Boseong, which was the administrative agency of Goheung-hyeon and the area around the Gaesan Buncheong ware kiln site in Jeongheung-ri, where the Buncheong ware paid to the government was, is thought to be Jagiso Eunchon, Goheung-hyeon. Jagiso and Dogiso are located in the four directions based on the administrative agency. Naturally, the location of Jagiso and Dogiso is also determined on where the administrative agency of Hyeon is. Since the Goheung-hyeon's administrative agency in the early Joseon Dynasty was moved to Ucheon-ri, joseong-myeon, Boseong-myeon, it is necessary to naturally find Jagiso and Dogiso in Boseong. In addition, regarding the nature of the kiln site in Undae-ri, the aspects of the excavated relics were considered. As a result, it is believed that the Undae-ri kiln site functioned as a jagiso in Heungyang-hyeon from February 1441 to the 1470s. If so, the "Ye" Buncheong ware, which was collected around Undae-ri kiln No. 7, could be naturally understood.