• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.89-96
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• 2018

Ami-dong Crematorium in Busan was established as one of the public facilities in 1929(the period of Japanese Occupation). It is the originator of Busan Yeongnak-Park(永樂公園), the funeral facilities of Busan municipality. The crematorium of Busan region was accepted at an earlier stage inside Japanese Concession in accordance with the opening a port. As Ami-dong Crematorium was constructed as a public facilities, the precedent has been maintained so far, providing a background equipped with the leading public corporation facilities in Busan area. This study was based on the expansion construction document founded by National Archives in Korea. Above all things, this research revealed the establishment and change of Busan Ami-dong Crematorium as the historical point for the formation process of recent public funeral facilities.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.69-72
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• 2015

Abstract Social pathologic phenomenon such as low fertility, nuclear family and one person households seems to be on the rise as Korea moves towards being an aging society. We think many trouble is expected to be exit as aging society progresses, but there were few studies about an aging society, especially funeral culture. Appearance of the aging society in Korea similarly follows the course of Japan. So we studied about similar funeral culture of aging society in Japan and prepared for the funeral culture in Korea. This study will suggest a gaze on realistic objective point of view, through the way to illustrate exactly the concept of "funeral for family (家族葬)" among Japanese funeral culture(Syukacheu(終活), Chyokusou(直葬) and funeral for family(家族葬)) and will be expected to be an important guide for leading the funeral culture in Korea occur due to aging in future. And this study will give a chance to ruminate on our's funeral attitude about the deceased's dignity.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.163-174
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• 2024

The purpose of this study is to analyze the relationship between social change and ritual change and to reveal the differences between Confucian funeral rites and modern rituals based on that relationship. In addition, we attempted to examine the process of change in rituals over time in connection with changes in institutions. The periodization of funeral rites was analyzed by dividing them into the pre-modern 'Confucian funeral rites', the 'modern funeral rites' during the Japanese colonial period, and the 'modern funeral rites' based on ritual capital with the implementation of the Healthy Family Rituals Standards in 1999. In addition, the understanding of the rites of the times must be understood through the process of moving from pre-modern to modern funeral rites and modern funeral rites, escaping the logical contradiction of succession of tradition through division of time. This study is meaningful in considering that Koreans' perception of death continues to reflect the times from the perspective of change and continuation of rituals.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.52 no.6
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• pp.25-39
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• 2002

The purpose of this study is to look into dressing practices at the Woinarodo region in terms of ordinary and ritual clothes. Men wore Bqji(trousers) and Jeokori(jackets) as their plain clothes and sometimes Jangsam mid Durumaki(topcoat). During the period of Japanese colony, men wore Western-style clothes. For women it was basic to wear Chima(skirts) and Jeokori. And they preferred Momppe rather when in Japanese rule. In arrangements for their head, men put on gut, and had their hair cut during Japanese nile. Women laid a bundle of their braided hairs on the head or braided their hair, while married women did their hair up in a chignon during the ruling period People of the region put on straw and leather shoes, and then rubber ones since the late 1930s. Hand weaving was a major means of living for women at the region. Ramie, hemp and cotton were mainly weaved by hand. Starching was applied mainly to ramie and cotton. Glues for starching were made of raw rices, cooked rices, wheat flour or gloiopeltis tenax. For ritual clothes, especially in wedding, bridegrooms arranged themselves with Samokwandae and then Put on Baji, Jeokori, Durumaki and Danryung. But they Put on Western-style dresses as the liners of Danryung, and wear Nambawi Rather than the Samo after korean independence from Japanese rule. Bridges wore Chima, Jeokori and Wonsam and Chokdoori and covered their face with Hansam Wonsam did not be worn any longer after Korean independence from the rule. Shrouds for funeral ceremony were manufactured with silks, cotton and hemp, when the chief mourner wore hempen hoods and funeral robes, while women, Chima, made of hemp. and any type of Jeokori.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.52
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• pp.197-250
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• 2017

Many kinds of ritual manual books for the four ceremonies (coming-of-age, wedding, funeral, and ancestral rites) were published and transcribed during the Japanese Colonial Period. The ritual manuals are classified by 5 different types: 'ritual standards', 'ritual books for the four ceremonies', 'ritual books for the written prayers', 'religious ceremonial books', and 'general manners books'. All of them contributed much to the formation of folk rituals and religions, even though the purpose and contents of each book were different. The ritual manuals were not intellectual results of elites, but rather compilations of pre-modern ritual books and contemporary manners. These were widely spread among the people with the help of modern printing techniques. The ritual manuals aimed at common readers who wanted to look for ritual references easily. They were not just made for the special upper class. We can understand the contexts and characteristics of folk ritual and religion of the $20^{th}$ century by comprehending the ritual manuals of the Japanese Colonial Rule.

• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.387-396
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• 1999

Dog meat was begun to be edible by the Chinese, Japanese, the French, Belginan, German Philippines Vietnamese, North-Americans African-Indians Canadian-aborigines Alaskan aborigines including Kor-eans. According to the record, Korea has a long history to have eaten dog meat from the era of Sam-kug(three kingdoms BC 57∼AC 668) and so there are numerous languages proverbs, and customs re-lated to the dog meat. Over the long history there have been many records and recipes about the edib-leness of dog meat. But at present time only the way of cooking such as Bosintang(a soup) Suyuk(a boiled meat) Duruchighi(boiled meat added spice and slightly roasted) Muchim(boiled meat added by spice and mixed) Gaesoju(an extract) Jeongol(boiled meat mixed with spices vegetables and water on the pot) remains. Koreans eat dog meat following the traditional customs n the Boknal(hottest day in summer). Also the areas of Buyo. Sochon, Boryong adn Chongyang of Chungnam province and the ad-jacent areas like Kongju, Iksan, and Nonsan have customs to kill the dog and offer dog meat to the gue-sts in time of small or big occasions such as funeral ceremony Hoigap(anniversary of one's 60th birth-day) and one's birthday. This range of customs is expanding larger and larger. These areas are the cen-ter of past Baekche(BC 57∼AC 660). In spite of this it is unreasonable, and excessive action for foreig-ner to fine fault with the dog meat or Korean food culture.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.66-79
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• 2022

In the mid-Kofun period, the technology employed in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula had reached the Japanese archipelago, and a Japanese-style unglazed earthenware called Sueki was produced. During the early period of the spread of technology, regional elements from all over the Korean Peninsula remained strong, with production on the Japanese archipelago carried out only in very limited regions. After that, production in all parts of the archipelago began gradually. The Sueki culture was introduced to the Japanese archipelago with the technology of the Korean Peninsula; however, many excavations have been reported in the Korean Peninsula(these excavations are even called Suekitype). Many of these excavations were conducted in Jeolla-do, Yeongnam, and the Yeongsan River basin. As revealed in previous studies, however, many imitations were excavated around Jeolla-do, while Sueki of the Japanese archipelago were excavated from tombs in the Yeongnam area. The excavation period was generally from the late 5^th century to the early 6^th century(especially from the TK23 to MT15 stage), which is fundamentally different from that of Jeolla-do. Regarding the locations where Sueki were excavated, the majority were found in the tombs of local authorities. They were rarely excavated from the tombs of the royal people. Furthermore, there is no evidence of special meaning given to funeral ceremonies or Sueki in the Japanese archipelago form; therefore, most of them are thought to have been treated the same as unglazed earthenware. Considering the tombs as a whole, influential people(groups, families, and forces) were not only connected to certain areas of the Gaya region but also had complex and larger relationships. In other words, the Sueki excavated from the Yeongnam area may reflect the rise and fall of the forces in each Gaya region and the changes of the Yeongnam period. The role of negotiation and exchange can be seen not only from the fact that influential people in the central government of the Gaya region were involved but also from the existence of areas(groups, families, forces) discovered in the Gaya region indicating mutual relationships.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.43-59
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• 2008

Sap(?, a funeral fan) is a funeral ceremonial object used in association with a Confucian ceremonial custom, which was crafted by making a wooden frame, attaching a white cloth or a thick paper onto it, drawing pictures on it, and making a holder for a handle. According to Liji(Records of Rites), Sap was used since the Zhou Dynasty, and these Chinese Sap examples are no big different than the Korean Sap examples, which were described in Joseon Wangjo Sillok(Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Gukjo Oryeui(the Five Rites of the State), and Sarye Pyeollam(Handbook on Four Rituals). This study explored Sap excavated in lime-filled tombs and lime-layered tombs of aristocrats dating back to Joseon, as well as their historical records to examine Sap's characteristics according to their examples, manufacturing methods, and use time. The number and designs of Sap varied according to the deceased' social status aristocrats used mainly one pair of 亞-shaped Bulsap, and a pair of Hwasap with a cloud design depicted on it. A Sap was wrapped twice with Chojuji paper or Jeojuji paper, and for the third time with Yeonchangji paper. Then, it was covered with a white ramie, a hemp, a cotton, a silk satin, etc. Bobul(an axe shape and 亞-shape design) was drawn on both sides of Sap, and a rising current of cloud was drawn at the peripheral area mainly with red or scarlet pigments. Sap, which were excavated from aristocrats'lime-filled and lime-layered tombs, are the type of Sap which were separated from its handle. These excavated Sap are those whose long handles were burnt during the death carriage procession, leaving Sap, which later were erected on both sides of the coffin. The manufacturing process of excavated relics can be inferred by examining them. The excavated relics are classified into those with three points and those with two points according to the number of point. Of the three-point type(Type I), there is the kind of relic that was woven into something like a basket by using a whole wood plate or cutting bamboo into flat shapes. The three-point Sap was concentrated comparatively in the early half of Joseon, and was manufactured with various methods compared with its rather unified overall shape. In the meantime, the two-point Sap was manufactured with a relatively formatted method; its body was manufactured in the form of a rectangle or a reverse trapezoid, and then its upper parts with two points hanging from them were connected, and the top surface was made into a curve(Type II) or a straight line(Type III) differentiating it from the three-point type. This manufacturing method, compared with that of the three-point type, is simple, but is not greatly different from the three-point type manufacturing method. In particular, the method of crafting the top surface into a straight line has been used until today. Of the examined 30 Sap examples, those whose production years were made known from the buried persons'death years inscribed on the tomb stones, were reexamined, indicating that type I was concentrated in the first half of the $16^{th}$ century. Type II spanned from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century to the second half of the $17^{th}$ century, and type III spanned from the first half of the $17^{th}$ century to the first half of the $18^{th}$ century. The shape of Sap is deemed to have changed from type I to type II and again from type II to type III In the $17^{th}$ century, which was a time of change, types II and III coexisted. Of the three types of Sap, types II and III re similar because they have two points; thus a noteworthy transit time is thought to have been the middle of the $16^{th}$ century. Type I compared with types II and III is thought to have required more efforts and skills in the production process, and as time passed, the shape and manufacturing methods of Sap are presumed to have been further simplified according to the principle of economy. The simplification of funeral ceremonies is presumed to have been furthered after Imjinwaeran(Japanese invasion of Joseon, 1592~1598), given that as shown in the Annals of King Seonjo, state funerals were suspended several times. In the case of Sap, simplification began from the second half of the $16^{th}$ century, and even in the $18^{th}$ century, rather than separately crafting Sap, Sap was directly drawn on the coffin cover and the coffin. However, in this simplification of form, regulations on the use of Sap specified in Liji were observed, and thus the ceremony was rationally simplified.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.356-381
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• 2001

This study has three objectives. One of them is to debate on the incompatible Neo-Malthusianism and Comucopianism, which give us a comparative gauge for analysis of the population elements in Korea and Japan. The other is to investigate how a variety of population elements are related to specific regions, Korea and Japan. And the last is to compare and analyze the residential preference pattems and the degree of care for the future life for the aged over 50 ages. Various elements in population show that Japan is of type superior to Korea, and that the gap between two countries is getting narrow every year. Wiber's migration expectancy is much higher in Kwangiu-si and Chollanam-do than in Hiroshima-ken. Burial customs in funeral ceremony has been vanished in Japan, but only 30 percents in Korea is crematory. This burial customs being much stiff existent in Korea, the effect of the population decrease caused by the death is reduced. A case study through questionnaire on the residential preference patterns for the aged over 50 years old shows that Japanese than Korean are more dependent on their sons and daughters, and ‘loneliness of solitary life’is the first reason in both countries. The degree of care for the future life is also remarkably higher in Japanese than in Korean. These are related in various ways to their ages, scholarships and local areas(si or gun). A general cognition in which the shortage of labour forces comes into existence in aged society is of misconception, because it comes from taking labour forces away from the aged, not from being old society. Even a minute population change is worth notice since the inertia law is also applied to the population phenomenon. Malthusinism hold fairly good even now, and the notion is very important in which population, resources and environmental problems are no longer personal or a regional matters, but the global family's issues.