• Journal of architectural history
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.41-52
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• 2022

This study explains the han-ok. in Gae-sung, which was antique and traditional city. In view of the fact that these were located in Gae-sung in North Korea hence direct investigate is not possible. Since there was no comprehensive study of Gaeseong han-ok, we have no choice but to rely on fragmentary records and memory of Gaeseong people. In accordance from the Japanese colonial era's surveys and sketches as well as how they were illustrated in the novel. Hark back to the peoples' thought of the han-ok years when they ran the survey in 1920s, the results were as follows: First, there are many houses so various classes in Mi-Mang. Jeon Cheo-man's house was a representative example of a rich family in Gae-sung, Jeon Je-seong(Jeon's 2^nd son)'s house was located in Si-jeon(government licensed-markets) near by the South gate. In particular, Jeon Yi-seong(Jeon's 3rd son)'s house was in rural areas. He managed on immense ginseng field and worker's houses. Hae-ju's house was a small house off the track. Second, the outer house is low and the main house is high and neat. Lastly, it was confirmed that it corresponded to sketches recorded by architects, such as neat housekeeping, long stones used for various purposes, invisible flat gates, the appearance of old and old houses and the composition of each room.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.173-182
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• 2008

"EuiBangShinGam" is a classic on oriental medicines written by Han Byung Lyun with the pen name Shin Oh in 1913. It was written under the base of the writer's own experience as well as in the light of 36 other classics on oriental medicines such as "DongEuiBoGam", Introduction to Medicine, and Complete Works of Jingyue. In an attempt to avoid difficult theories and list only the essential informations and formulas for clinical purposes, it attained its own characteristics of not only reorganizing DongEuiBoGam in a pragmatic way but also explaining diseases classified in western medicines in oriental medicines' point of view as well as suggesting medicine formulas regarding such explanations. As a result, it is a complete and efficient medical classic through which one can gain knowledge in both classic oriental medicines and combination of western and oriental medicines. Its special features are making a separate chapter for cholera and phthisis, which is also a contagious disease, and trying in the chapter to explain the disease s in words of oriental medicines; listing details of nine major epidemic and matching them with the diseases known in oriental medicines: and recording a case of enforcing sterilization and preventive injection against contagious diseases. Han Byung Lyun, the writ er of the book, was born in northern province of Ham Gyoung, Woong Bu, and the date of death is unknown. He is one of the eight members who conceived and started the idea of organizing the Organization of Practioners of Oriental Medicines, which was a nationwide organization under the motive of restoring Oriental Medicines against the policy under the colonial government of Japan. Living a era of Japanese Imperialism, he stressed the need to accept western medicines if its beneficial to oriental medicines in order to develop oriental medicines for progressive causes. This reflects that he was a person who tried in various ways to extend oriental medicines to another level by facing up to the reality and coming up with a measure to cope up with it. In fact, he was a oriental medicine doctor who tried to protect oriental medicines by founding academic organizations, publishing academic magazines, and writing himself many papers related to oriental medicines. EuiBangShinGam can he summarized as a classic on traditional korean medicine through which one can find out about realities of Japan Imperialism and the attempts of oriental medicine practitioners under the colonial policies of Japan to make oriental medicines more developed by adding one's own thoughts as well as keeping the old, and adjusting to such situations.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.10-21
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• 2014

This study focuses on the landscape of Daegodae(大孤臺), a prominent rock placed at the side of Namgae Stream in Hamyang, and the person who enjoy the landscape. Through the analysis of the letters such as names carved on the rocks based on ancient poetry and stone walls, the study examines the characteristics of the landscape and the space of Daegodae and the phase of hegemony to enjoy the landscape and space. The result of this study is as follow.2) There are 5 Seowon(書院: lecture halls) nearby Daegodae identified in the ancient map has 5 auditoriums nearby, and three-dimensional volume and eccentricity of the Daegodae is impressive. Daegodae, named by Noh Jin(1518~1578) in 16th century, was used in a variety of ways, including viewing, game, recreation, and meeting, by the staff of the lecture halls including Namgae Seowon(南溪書院), as a result of analyzing the ancient document Go-dae-il-Loc(孤臺日錄) written by Jung Kyung-Woon(鄭慶雲: 1556~?). The structure of Daegodae is that there is Chunggeunchung(淸近亭) on the rock face of the top and Sanangjae(山仰齋) to the west around the memorial stone for Yang Hee(梁喜: 1515~1581). The upper part of the foundation of Daegodae with 11m high and $10m^2$ wide to the east and west was widely used for lecturing and poetry reading. To the north and west of the foundation were the writing of Kim Jeong-Hee(金正喜: 1786~1856) with the words 'Seoksong Chusa(石松 秋史)' carved on the rock and the remains of a dead tree that is presumed to have been called as 'Seoksong'. They are the landscapes that further enhance the history and authenticity of this place. The two kinds of letters carved on the rock 'Daegodae Gaeeunseo(大高臺 介隱書)' and 'Mukheon JungGeunSang(鄭近相: 1893~1934)' were recorded each by Jung Jae-Gi(1811~1879) and his grandson Jung Geun-Sang, which are, as the outcome of exclusive space possession and space hegemony, the signatures indicating that they were the persons who enjoyed this place during the late Joseon and Japanese colonial era. In other words, Daegodae had some implied meaning of preoccupancy of the place as Gujolyangseonsengjangguso since the middle of Joseon, and the place was passed down as a buddhism lecturing and memorial venue called "Dungbukganghoiso Cheonryungjaeseonhyunjangguso" after going through the space hegemony of Jung Jae-Gi and Jung Geun-Sang during the late Joseon and Japanese colonial era each, Nevertheless, a number of letters carved on the rock identified also imply that 'Hadong Jung(河東鄭氏)' and 'Pungcheon Noh(豊川盧氏)' were those who enjoyed the landscape of Daegodae and the center of the space hegemony. The "letters carved on the rock of Daegudae" is another case of cultural landscape and traditional gardening space that serves as the representation of the will of enjoying the landscape in this place and the history of space hegemony.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.62-79
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• 2020

The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Ganghwa Bomunsa Temple is a giant rock-carved Buddhist statue that was built in 1928 during the Japanese colonial era. Although it is a year-recorded Buddhist statue that occupies a prominent place in modern Korean Buddhist sculpture history, it has not been the subject of in-depth discussion due to weak research on modern Buddhist sculptures. In this study, to examine the various significant aspects of the rock-carved Seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple as a modern Buddhist sculpture, I have managed to determine its construction year, artificers, and patrons by deciphering the inscription around the rock-carved statue; in addition I have researched the effects of the rock shapes and landforms on the formation of the Buddhist statue by comparing and analyzing the points of view of both artificers and worshipers. I have also identified the specific circumstances of the time of construction from interviews with the descendants of artificers. A monk from Geumgangsan Mountain, Lee Hwaeung, took the role of sponsor and chief painter to construct the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa temple. In the beginning of its construction in 1928, more than 100 donators jointly sponsored the construction of the statue. Gansong Jeon Hyoungphil sponsored alone at the time of the place of worship's expansion in 1938. Bomunsa Temple has been regarded as one of the top-three sacred places of Avalokiteśvara Bodhisattva together with Naksansa Temple in Yang Yang and Boriam in Nam Hae, due to the construction of the rock-carved statue. It took about three months to construct the statue. Lee Hwaeung drew a rough sketch and then Un Songhag and five masons from Ganghwa Island took part in the carving process. We can observe the line drawing technique around the rock-carved statue because the statue was carved based on the rough sketch of the monk painter. The aspect of Lee Hwaeung as a painter is revealed; therefore, we can identify the clue of painting pattern leading to Seogongchulyou- Hwaunghyoungjin- Ilonghyegag. The rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple is a typical Avalokiteśvara that wears a jeweled crown and holds Kundica. It makes a strong impression as it has a big square-shaped face and a short neck and is unsophisticated in general. The artificers solved the issue of visual distortion of the rock-carved statue caused by carving on a 10-meter high and 40-degree sloping rock by controlling motion to its maximum, omitting detailed expression by emphasizing symmetry, and adjusting the head-to-body proportion to be almost one-to-one. In this study, especially, I presume the unified form of sacred sculptures and Buddhist altars, without making a Buddhist altar like the rock-carved seated Avalokiteśvara statue at Bomunsa Temple, to be a key characteristic of modern Buddhist sculptures. Furthermore, I make newly clear that the six letters of Sanskrit carved on nimbus, which had been interpreted as a Six-Syllable Mantra, are a combination with Jeongbeopgye and Sabang Mantras. In addition, three iron rings driven on eaves rock were used as a reference point, and after construction they were used as a decoration for the Bodhisattva with hanging wind chimes.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.1-15
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• 2015

Based on the analysis and interpretation of the headwords and poetic words of a group of eleven collecting sceneries of Jeonju, the origin and transformations of the Jeonju-Palkyung(Eight sceneries of Jeonju) investigated by a time-series analysis are as follows. As there is no collection of landscape with a formal structure similar to that of the current Jeonju-Palkyung, prior to the Palkyung by Chujae(秋齋) Cho Soo-Sam(趙秀三, 1762~1849), there is no significant problem in assuming the eight poems in Chujaejib(秋齋集) are the origins of the Jeonju-Palkyung, and it is estimated to have been produced in 1829. In the late-19th century poem 'Wansanseunggyeong(完山勝景)', 'the Palkyung in Yeollyeo Chunhyang Sujeolga', and 'the Palkyung delivered by poet Shin Seokjeong in the Japanese colonial era', only the 'Dongpogwibeom(東浦歸帆)' changed from Dongjipo to Dongchon of Bongdong as for 'Landscape Setting There($L_{ST}$)' according to changes in district administration; despite this change, the fact that they are not too different from the Palkyung of Cho Soo-Sam, also supports this. Moreover, according to the headword concordance analysis, it is proven that the Jeonju-Palkyung was established in the late-19th century and continued to be the region's representative sceneries even during the Japanese colonial era, and later 'Namcheonpyomo(南川漂母)' and 'Gonjimangwol(坤止望月)' were added to expand to the Jeonju-Sipkyung(ten sceneries of Jeonju). But when we see there are famous spots that are the origins of the Jeonju-Sipkyung, including Gyeonggijeon, Geonjisan, Jogyeongdan, Omokdae, and Girinbong, Deokjinyeon, and Mangyeongdae, all of which have great representational significance as the capital of Jeolla Provincial Office as well as of the place of origin for Joseon Dynasty in the grouping of sceneries during the early Joseon Dynasty, including "Paehyangsipyeong (沛鄕十詠)", "Gyeondosipyeong (甄都十詠)", and "Binilheonsipyeong(賓日軒十詠)", the beginnings of the semantic Jeonju-Palkyung should be considered up to the first half of Joseon Dynasty. During this period, not only the fine sceneries with high retrospective merit as the capital of Hubaekje, like Gyeonhwondo(甄萱都), but also the sceneries like Mangyeongdae that reminds people of Jeong Mongju(鄭夢周) and Yi Seonggye(李成桂) in the late period of Goryeo appeared, elevating the status of Jeonju as the capital of Hubaekje and shortening the historical gaps as the place of origin of the Joseon Dynasty. The Jeonju-Palkyung is an organic item that carries the history of the Joseon Dynasty after Hubaekje and has gone through many cycles of disappearing and reappearing, but it has continued to change and transform as the region's representative sceneries. The Jeonju-Palkyung is a cultural genealogy that helps one understand the 'Jeonju Hanpunggyeong(韓風景: the sceneries of Korea in Jeonju)', and the efforts to preserve and pass it down to the next generation would be the responsibility of the people of Jeonju.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.117-132
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• 2019

The study examines the significance and limits of modern park planning by analyzing major planning documents of Gyeongseong in the Japanese colonial era. Among seven selected documents from 1925 to 1940, which show the contents related with park planning, documents of 1930 and 1940 presented the official park plan of Gyeongseong. By the 1920s, the park plan was not a major concern in urban planning of Gyeongseong; however, as the planning law as enacted in 1934, the park plan legally became a part of the official master planning process in the 1930s. In 1940, the most comprehensive park plan for Gyeongseong was published. In the beginning of modern urban planning, a park was mainly perceived as a sanitation utility. From the 1920s to the 1930s, the park planning system was significantly improved including systemic classification of parks, guideline development considering spatial planning, and introduction of a concept of infra-structural green space. Despite of the improvement in the park planning, the actual quantity of the overall green spaces barely changed and there was a huge discrepancy between the planning ideal and the reality. The Gyeongseong stadium was the only facility newly built in the 1920s, and only two parks were constructed in the 1930s. The plan to build 38 new parks in the 1930, and 140 in the 1940 was barely realized. However, there were efforts to improve parks and green spaces of Gyeongseong: Such as appropriating natural forest as parks, designating royal palaces as parks, and focusing on constructing smaller scale children's parks. Even though the ideal plan could not be fully implemented due to the war time situation and tight budget, the park system of Gyeongseong provided the framework of park planning of Seoul after the independence.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.295-313
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• 2002

While the growth of Taegu has occurred through the land readjustment project, the public sector development project and the construction of roads, its growth pattern has been shaped by physical constraints such as mountains, streams and rail roads. The processes of urban growth of Taegu are classified into four stages: the stage of urban embryo in the Chosun Era; the formation stage of the basic urban system after the Japanese Colonial Era up to 1960; the stage of urban growth in the industrialization period from 1960s to 1980; and lastly, the stage of urban expansion and maturation, with construction of extensive newly developed districts, after the 1980s. Since its promotion to a metropolitan city with the inclusion of Seongseo, Wolbae, Gosan, Ansim and Chilgok in 1981, those regions have grown into newly developed residential districts, with its accompanying high density and high rise apartments complexes, through the public sector development project. These newly developed districts are located about six to seven kilometers away from CBD of the city along with main radial roads. The sites are also located on the route of the fourth belt way of the city. While the Sangin, Seongseo and Jisan Beommul newly developed districts have developed contiguously with the existing built-up areas, the Siji and Chilgok districts have developed separately by the green belt and the Geumho River, respectively.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.491-508
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• 2016

This study has taken the Myeongjidong island, which has experienced spatial change due to various reasons ranging from the Japanese colonial era until today, as an instance in order to comprehend macroscopic spatial change of the Nakdonggang Delta and the adaptation process of the locals in a microscopic point of view. Spatial change of the Myeongjidong has been confirmed by collecting maps such as the atlas of late period of Chosun published in 1910, topographic map, regional geography, city records, and by applying coordinates with geographic reference function of GIS program, then checking for time sequential space change of individual regions. Space change driven by the Japanese government-general of Korea, Gimhae Irrigation Association, and by national policy or planning brought about environmental and humanistic changes unlike ever before, and land usage, housing and industry of the region and the locals experienced various adaptation processes. Such processes were compiled through collection and comparison of literature, and supplementation from interview of the locals during field study. As for the research region, it ranged from the construction of Nakdonggang bank and Myeongji seawall of 1935, agricultural rural landscape formed after the area expansion project by Gimhae Irrigation Association in 1940, to landscape that are becoming mercantile and urban due to the developmental plans of national and local governments.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.192-207
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• 2018

The Hyangwonjeong and Chwihyanggyo located in the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace have mainly been investigated by referring to historical records about the reign of King Gojong and various drawings thought to have been made in the late Joseon period. Because the current Chwihyanggyo was rebuilt temporarily after being burned to the ground during the Korean War, its form and the location of its reconstruction are not grounded on any accurate historical investigation. Although there are some photos of the Chwihyanggyo that were taken between the end of the Joseon period and the Japanese colonial era, there is no information about the photographer or when they were taken, and it is hard to see which photos show the original Chwihyanggyo Bridge with them. The Cultural Heritage Administration, which is currently promoting the restoration of the Chwihyanggyo, has recognized this problem and initiated research on the matter. In 2017, an excavation survey successfully identified the original location of the Chwihyanggyo, as well as that of Hyangwonji Gado (假島), and the shape of the first foundation stone in the pier. With these findings it was possible to infer the ways in which the Chwihyanggyo has changed over the years. Moreover, by measuring the AMS (Accelerator Mass Spectrometer) of the samples collected in the mounding layer of the Gado where the Hyangwonjeong is located, it was discovered that the Hyangwonjeong was constructed sometime after the Imjin waeran (Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592), which means that the theory that 'the late Joseon Hyangwonjeong was not the former early Josenn Chwirojeong' is groundless. Judging by the materials found to date, we can reasonably assume that the Chwihyanggyo and Hyangwonjeong must have been built around the same time that Geoncheonggung Palace was founded in the late Joseon period.