• Title/Summary/Keyword: Japanese Invasions of Korea

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Images of the Landscape and Society of Haeju during the late Joseon Dynasty (조선 후기 해주의 경관과 세태 이미지)

  • Park, Jeong-Ae
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.32 no.5
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    • pp.81-94
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    • 2023
  • Haeju was home to the Hwanghae-do Provincial Office and a hub for supporting the northwestern regions of Korea. Local commerce expanded in Haeju during the late Joseon period based on its abundant resources and regional products, leading it to evolve into a large city. King Seonjo temporarily resided in Haeju while seeking refuge from the Japanese Invasions of Korea, and Yi Yi (sobriquet: Yulgok) secluded himself in Seokdam in Haeju in his later years. King Seonjo's residence in Haeju and Yi Yi's retirement there boosted interest in the city among the literati and influenced its places of scenic beauty. The development of its local history and literary achievements were documented in a wide variety of historical records and visual materials. Eight scenic views in Haeju became famous through a poem written by Seong Su-ik in the late sixteenth century. Around the mid-eighteenth century, eight new scenic views became popular. Local officials and travelers from other regions produced a vast body of prose and poetry focusing on the landscape and society of Haeju, playing a crucial role in raising awareness of its scenic attractions. Most surviving visual materials related to Haeju were created in and after the nineteenth century. Many of them illustrate both landscapes and the everyday lives of people. Among them, paintings of scenic spots created by Jeong Seon (sobriquet: Gyeomjae), who never actually visited Haeju in person, raises some of the issues posed by relying on indirect materials. In contrast, Eight Scenic Views of Haeju, which is presumed to have been produced by a local painter, appears to have accurately highlighted the characteristics of each scenic spot. Moreover, Haejudo, a folding screen presenting a panoramic view of Haeju, incorporates content from paintings depicting eight scenic views, in this case Eight Scenic views of Haeju. This practice can be observed in visual materials of other provincial cities.

A Study on the Over-layered Landscape Characteristics of Ipsan Village, Uiryeong Area (의령 입산마을의 중층적 경관 특성)

  • Lim, Eui-Je;So, Hyun-Su;Bae, Su-Hyun
    • Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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    • v.24 no.1
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    • pp.113-127
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    • 2018
  • This study comprehends that the landscape of Ipsan Village is the accumulated output of the landscape management and social behavior by the historic personages through the reference research and field surveys. And the study sorted out the over-layered landscape characteristics of Ipsan Village by analyzing the dispersed landscape elements as follows. First, right before the start of Japanese invasions to Korea(1592-98), Tamjin(耽津) An(安) Family moved into Ipsan and started establishing the a single clan village. At a site with mountain background and facing the water(背山臨水), the village used to be a typical farming one with an organically planned road-system and housing area following the traditional order. However, the landscape has changed drastically since the 20th century with the construction of banks, roads and readjustment of arable land etc. Second, the original landscape, which can be figured out through the 'Gosanjaesibyukgyeong(高山齋十六景)' in the 18th century, shows its harmony with natural landscape: mountain & valley, stream & field, traditional trees, etc, cultural landscape: village, well, spring, etc, and momentary landscape: seasons, time, weather phenomena, sound, behavior, etc. Third, based on the second, 16 natural landscape elements: mountain & stream, planting, etc. and 25 cultural landscape elements: housing spaces, self-cultivation & ceremony spaces, community spaces and modern education & enlightenment spaces were selected and interpreted as landscaping meanings. Fourth, the over-layered landscape which stems from the compositive functions and inter-connectivity of landscape elements which consists Ipsan Village is regarded as 'Natural geographical and Fungsu landscape', 'Rural production and livelihood landscape', 'Confucian ceremony and symbolic landscape' and 'Modern education and enlightenment landscape.'

A Bibliographical Study on the Buddhist Scriptures Published in Temples Located in Hwanghae-do Province (황해도 사찰 간행불서의 서지적 연구)

  • Song, Il-Gie;Park, Ji-Suk
    • Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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    • v.50 no.1
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    • pp.395-416
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    • 2016
  • This study analyzes periodic phenomena on publication and characteristics of Buddhist scriptures engraved on woodblock in temples located in Hwanghae Province during the Joseon Dynasty period in bibliographic approach. There are total 85 Buddhist scriptures published in Hwanghae Province, 5 scriptures among them including Yonggamsugyeong appear to be engraved on woodblock only in temples in Hwanghae Province. They, published in 64 printings during the early days of the Joseon Dynasty, occupy 75% of total Buddhist scriptures, and are analyzed to be intensively published with the support of royal family members such as Queen Munjeong in the reign of King Myeongjong. However, as the publication displayed a sharply declining tendency in the late Joseon period after the Japanese invasion, it is understood to be identical with historical fact that the people's livelihood in Hwanghae Province closed to ruin through invasions from Japan and Manchuria. In addition, the analysis on characteristics of these Buddhist scriptures by subject indicates that over 80% of them are generally sacred books and dogmas. In fact, woodblock engraving works in temples emphasize on the duty of an engraver, and many engravers are investigated that they engraved only 2 to 3 Buddhist scriptures in temples located in Hwanghae Province. Doseong and Suyeon can be regarded as remarkable itinerant monks as they were appeared to engrave Buddhist scriptures in not only Hwanghae Province and also other regions by moving from one place to another. This study is expected to be meaningful as a paper that can be used on future studies to compare Buddhist scriptures engraved on woodblock in other regions in North Korea.

A Study on the Creation and Use of Nokgakseong and Underwater Wooden Fence (조선시대 녹각성과 수중목책의 조성 및 활용에 관한 연구)

  • SHIM Sunhui;KIM Choongsik
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.4
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    • pp.230-246
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    • 2023
  • The wooden fence(木柵), which began to appear in the Bronze Age and is presumed to be the oldest defense facility in human history, was used as a fortress for the purpose of further strengthening military defense functions until after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 in the Joseon Dynasty(壬辰倭亂). As it was established as the concept of a fortress or a fence installed outside a fence castle(城柵) or barracks fence(營柵), its importance as an essential facility for defense was further highlighted. This study is the result of exploring wooden fence that were used as official facilities during the Joseon Dynasty, focusing on literature surveys such as 『Annals of the Joseon Dynasty』 and 『New Jeungdonggukyeojiseungram』 In this study, in particular, the conclusion of this study is as follows, focusing on the use and function of Nokgakseong(鹿角城), underwater wooden fence, installation methods, and materials of wooden fences, is as follows. The conclusions of this study, which focused on the materials of the wooden fence, are as follows. First, as invasions by foreign enemies became more frequent in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Dynasty, wooden fences played a major role as a major out-of-castle defense facility((防禦施設). In addition, wooden fences were modified and installed into various types such as wooden fences(木柵城), Nokgakseong, a fence made up of large branches in the shape of a deer antler, and underwater wooden fences(水中木柵) according to the circumstances of the times, government policy, and location environment. Second, wooden fences were installed in strategic locations in defense facilities for military purposes, such as mountain fortress(山城), fortresses(營), camps(鎭), forts(堡), and castles(邑城) in strategic locations, and were used for defense in case of emergency. According to the urgency of farming, it was installed in accordance with the non-farming season, when it is easy to mobilize manpower to avoid the busy farming season. The size of the wooden fence of the Joseon Dynasty, which are confirmed through literature records, was converted into Pobaekchuk(布帛尺), and the circumference was very diverse from 4,428chuk(2,066m) to 55chuk(25m). Third, Nokgakseong is an efficient combat support facility that is more aggressive than a general wooden fence, and the records of Nokgakseong in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty appeared during the King Sejong period the record was 20 times, the most. By region, it was found that it was mainly installed in coastal rugged areas such as Pyeongan and Hamgildo(12), which are the 6-jin areas of the 4th Army. Fourth, in the early 15th century, as the royal court established a maritime defense strategy for the coastal area of the southern coast, after the Sampo Invasion(三浦倭亂), riots by Japanese settlers in Sampo in 1510, major military posts including eupseong(邑城), camps, and forts were established. The installation of underwater barriers around various government facilities rapidly increased as a defense facility to block the warships of Japanese pirates around various government facilities. Fifth, between the 15th and 17th centuries before and after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in Sampo, underwater fences were installed in the Southern coast and Ganghwa Island. In particular, in the 15th century, underwater fences were intensively installed in coastal areas of Gyeongsangnam-do, such as Jepo. Pine trees and Oaks are the main materials used for underwater fences, but other materials such as Oldham's meliosma, Loose-flower hornbeam and The vines of arrowroots were also used as materials for wooden fences.

Bibliographic Study on 『ChungMinKongKeicho (忠愍公啓草)』 by YI Sun-sin (이순신의 『충민공계초(忠愍公啓草)』에 대한 서지적 고찰)

  • Ro, Seung-Suk
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.49 no.2
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    • pp.4-19
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    • 2016
  • Jangkei(狀啓) made to the Royal Court by Yi Sun-sin during the Japanese invasions of Korea is handed down under the names of Jangcho(狀草), Keicho(啓草), Keibon(啓本) and others depending on copying patterns of those times and later times as it was copied out by a third person. In particular, "YimjinJangcho(壬辰狀草)" which Yi drew up during his service as the director of the naval forces in Jeolla Jwasooyeong is known as the most popular Jangkei. "ChungMinKongKeicho" which has been re-located recently after loss is a national treasure level cultural property as valuable as "YimjinJangcho" and should be treated as a model of Yi Sun-sin's other Jangkeis by next generations. As of now, however it is not confirmed if it is a totally new book related to Yi Sun-sin or is supplementary to the lost Jangkei, this study decided to ascertain relevant information through a bibliographic discussion on the question. "Chungmin(忠愍)" was the title that was used after the death of Yi Sun-sin, and "ChungMinKongKeicho" was completed when Jangkei was copied in 1662. 12 books that would not be found in YimjinJangcho are included in the book and such books are also present in the Jangkei supplement which has been known lost so far. What should be especially focused on here is that the forms and contents of these (11) photographs that Japanese shot from "ChungMinKongKeicho" in 1928 turned out to be completely identical to those of the original copy. The point that Korean History Compilation Committee added the 12 books to Jangkei as referring to the book as "One Keicho(啓草) partially copied(抄寫) in separation" and that Cho Sung-do categorized the 12 books into a supplement and others can be solid proofs to make the Jangkei supplement called "ChungMinKongKeicho". In terms of "ChungMooKongKeicho", since it consists of 62 books in total, it is not reasonable to see the book as Jangkei supplement which has the extra 12 more books for itself. "ChungMooKongKeibon" in "ChungMooKongYusa" was written with a total of 16 books. In the body, Yidumun is only clearly present, and the three books in the later part are same with the original copy of "ChungMooKongKeicho". "YimjinJangcho" by Korean History Compilation Committee has been the only book in which Yidumun was observed so far but now, it is assumed that the publication date of "ChungMooKongKeibon" goes before that of the former. The counterargument to the opinion that "ChungMinKongKeicho" is the supplement to Jangkei is based on Lee Eun-sang's comment "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement." At first Seol Ui-sik introduced a piece photo of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki" in a drawing form through "Nanjung Ilkicho by Yi Sun-sin" in 1953. Lee Eun-sang also added two pages of the handwritten Yilkicho in the Jangkeichobon supplement to "MoosulIlki" and for the second time, the phrase "One page of a log written during the last 10 days after the Jangkei copy supplement" and "Supplement" were used. Those views are originated from the comment "One photograph of the rough draft of "MoosulIlki"" which Seol Ui-sik introduced without knowledge of the exact source. Lee Eun-sang said, "One page of a log in the Jangkei copy supplement" because Lee mistook "ChungMooKongYusa" for a book related to Jangkei. Since it is the wrong argument different from the actual situation of the original copy, if it has to be corrected, it should be rephrased "One page of a log in ChungMooKongYusa." After all, the source of the counterargument is the mistake because there has never been the Jangkei supplement with one page of a log included. All the Jangkeis other than "YimjinJangcho" can be said as the Jangkei supplements but still, they are separated from the other Jangkeis for the extra 12 more books are present in the commonly-called Jangkei supplement. Due to that reason, the argument on how "ChungMinKongKeicho" with the 12 books added is the popular Jangkei supplement should be considered more reasonable.

A Study on the Palsapum (八賜品, Eight-Bestowed Things), Treasure No. 440, in Tong-Yong Shrine to the Loyal Dead in Korea (보물 제440호 통영 충렬사 팔사품(八賜品) 연구)

  • Jang, Kyung-hee
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.46
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    • pp.195-237
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    • 2014
  • Palsapum are ornaments to reveal the purpose of commander of three naval forces as well as symbols to remember the greatness of admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. In 1966, ther were designated as a treasure No. 440 based on their value; however, they have not received attention from academia because they are relics from China. This study compares and analyzes the document, paintings, and relevant references from Korea and China focusing on Palsapum, understands their formal characteristics, and examines their historical value such as years and location of creation. As a result, the study determines five of them are original, but three of them were newly created by the later generations. The five, Dodogin (都督印, Commander's seal)·Yeongpae (令牌, Commander's tablet)·Gwido (鬼刀, Replica of the devil sword)·Chamdo (斬刀, Replica of the decapitation swor d)·and Gognapal (bugle) were created by Ming Dynasty before 1598, and delivered by the hands of General Chen Lin. The other three, Dokjeongi (督戰 旗, Battle flag)·Hongsoryeonggi (紅小令旗, Commander's flag)·and Namsoryeonggi (藍小令旗, Commander's flag), were created in 19th century by Joseon Dynasty. After analysis on the former relics, the study determines that they are not official relics with the dignity of Ming Dynasty but personal relics with regional characteristics; in other words, Palsamun are not the royal gifts from Emperor Shenzong to Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. but personal momentoes left by General Chen Lin in the Tongjeyoung to celebrate the admiral. The names, variety, numbers, and appurtenances of Palsapum have been changed with time as follows. First, the scholars of Jeseon in 17the century only focused on Dodogin. It was certainly created in Ming Dynasty; however, it was a personal stamp, so considered to be not from the emperor but from General Chen Lin. Second, Palsapum was called Palsamul and consisted of 14 pieces of 8 kinds in 18the century, ; it is confirmed on the 「Dosul(圖說, stories with pictures of」 『Yi Chungmugong Literary Collection』 The sizes of five relics including Dodogin are similar to the records, but their patterns and shapes are exotic, or cannot be found in Joseon. Thus, they reflect the regional characteristics of Guangdong province. Third, they were called Palsapum, and consisted on 15 pieces of 8 kinds in 19th century; it is confirmed on , a sixteen-fold folding screen drawn by Shin, Gwan-Ho in 1861. The stamp box, tablet bag, and three flags were newly created to engrave Joseon style letters and patterns on damageable materials such as leather and cloth. The relics easy to be destroyed have been renewed even after 19th century. Last, there are many misunderstandings about Palsapum by governmental indifference and improper management of records even though they were designated as a treasure in very early times. Thus, authorities should be concerned with Palsapum to provide the measures for stable maintenance of the relics; this will let people remember not only the history of cooperation between Korea and China to stop the Japanese ambition, but also Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin and General Chen Lin to bring victory in Japanese invasions of Korea.

Transforming the Wongaksa Bell[Buddhist Bell] to the Bosingak Bell[Court Bell]: An Example of the Debuddhismization during the Joseon Dynasty (원각사종(圓覺寺鐘)에서 보신각종(普信閣鍾)으로 -조선시대 탈불교화의 일례-)

  • Nam Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.104
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    • pp.102-142
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    • 2023
  • The Bronze Bell of Wongaksa Temple, also known as the Bosingak Bell, was produced in 1468 during the reign of King Sejo for dedication at Wongaksa Temple in the middle of the capital Hanyang in celebration of the tenth anniversary of his accession to the throne. It is currently heavily damaged and cannot be struck. This paper focuses on the man-made damage inflicted on the Bosingak Bell and explores when, why, and by whom the bell was damaged along with the historical significance of this damage. In the first section, the relevant literature is reviewed and the problems concerned, research perspective, and methodology are presented. The history of related theories is investigated focusing on the relationship between Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell. The perspective that Bosingak Bell and Wongaksa Bell are the same is introduced. My discussion will be developed from this perspective. In the second section, the background to King Sejo's construction of Wongaksa Bell is examined. Specifically, the bells commissioned by the kings of the early Joseon era are divided into court bells (jojong) and Buddhist bells (beomjong). They total four court bells and three Buddhist bells. The former are the Jongnu Tower Bell commissioned by King Taejo, Donhwamun Gate Bell by King Taejong, Gwanghwamun Gate Bell by King Sejong, and Sajeongjeon Hall Bell by King Sejo. The latter are the bells of Yongmunsa, Heungcheonsa (or Jeongneungsa) and Wongaksa Temples, all of which were made during the reign of King Sejo. Sejo also made Wongaksa Bell and gave it the meaning that the monarch and the Buddha both wish to enlighten the people through the sound of the bells. In the third section, traces of the man-made damage done to Bosingak Bell are closely examined. By observing the current condition of Bosingak Bell and comparing it with the contemporaneous Heungcheongsa Bell (1462) and Bongseonsa Bell (1469), the components of Bosingak Bell that were damaged can be identified. The damaged parts are again divided into Buddhist elements and non-Buddhist elements. The former includes the reversed lotus petals on the shoulder band, four standing bodhisattvas, and the inscription of the bell composed by Choe Hang. The latter includes lists of chief supervisors (dojejo). I describe the phenomenon of deliberately damaging Buddhist elements on bells as "effacement of Buddhism," meaning Buddhist images and inscriptions are eliminated, and I note the prevailing rejection of Buddhism theory among Neo-Confucianists as its ideological root. The erasure of non-Buddhist images was probably caused by political conflicts such as Yeonsangun's purge in 1504. Since both ideological and political factors played a role in the changes made to Bosingak Bell, the damage was possibly done between the Purge of 1504 and the abdication of Yeonsangun in 1506. Chapter four traces the transformation of the Buddhist bell of Wongaksa Temple into the Bosingak court bell. Finally completed in 1468, the Wongaksa Bell only served its role as a Buddhist bell at related services for a relatively brief period of 36 years (until 1504). Wongaksa Temple was closed down and the bell lost its Buddhist function. In 1536, it was moved from Wongaksa Temple to Namdaemun Gate, where it remained silent for the next 90 years until it was struck again in November 1594. However, after the destruction of the Jongnu Bell in a fire during the Japanese Invasions of Korea (1592-1598), the Buddhist bell from Wongaksa Temple became a court bell. The Wongaksa Temple bell was relocated to Jongnu Tower in 1619, traveling through Myeongdong Pass. From then on, as the official Jongnu Bell (later renamed Bosingak Bell), it was regularly rung at dawn and dusk every day for nearly 300 years until 1908, when Japanese authorities halted the ritual. The transformation of the Wongaksa Bell (a Buddhist bell) to Bosingak Bell (a court bell) means that the voice of the Buddha was changed to the voice of the king. The concept of "effacement of Buddhism," evident in the transformation of Wongaksa Bell to Bosingak Bell, was practiced widely on almost every manifestation of Buddhism throughout the Joseon period. In short, the damage evident in Bosingak Bell underscores the debuddhismization in Korean society during the Joseon Dynasty.

A historical study of the Large Banner, a symbol of the military dignity of the Late Joseon Dynasty (조선 후기 무위(武威)의 상징 대기치(大旗幟) 고증)

  • JAE, Songhee;KIM, Youngsun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.54 no.4
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    • pp.152-173
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    • 2021
  • The Large Banner was introduced during the Japanese Invasions of Korea with a new military system. It was a flag that controlled the movement of soldiers in military training. In addition, it was used in other ways, such as a symbol when receiving a king in a military camp, a flag raised on the front of a royal procession, at the reception and dispatch of envoys, and at a local official's procession. The Large Banner was recognized as a symbol of military dignity and training rites. The Large Banner was analyzed in the present study in the context of two different types of decorations. Type I includes chungdogi, gakgi and moongi. Type II includes grand, medium, and small obangi, geumgogi and pyomigi. Each type is decorated differently for each purpose. The size of the flag is estimated to be a square of over 4 ja long in length. Flame edges were attached to one side and run up and down The Large Banner used the Five Direction Colors based on the traditional principles of Yin-Yang and Five Elements. The pattern of the Large Banner is largely distinguished by four. The pattern of large obangi consists of divine beasts symbolizing the Five Directions and a Taoism amulet letter. The pattern of medium obangi features spiritual generals that escort the Five Directions. The pattern of small obangi has the Eight Trigrams. The pattern of moongi consists of a tiger with wings that keeps a tight watch on the army's doors. As for historical sources of coloring for Large Banner production, the color-written copy named Gije, from the collection of the Osaka Prefect Library, was confirmed as the style of the Yongho Camp in the mid to late 18th century, and it was also used for this essay and visualization work. We used Cloud-patterned Satin Damask as the background material for Large Banner production, to reveal the dignity of the military. The size of the 4 ja flag was determined to be 170 cm long and 145 cm wide, and the 5 ja flag was 200 cm long and 175 cm wide. The conversion formula used for this work was Youngjochuck (1 ja =30cm). In addition, the order of hierarchy in the Flag of the King was discovered within all flags of the late Joseon Dynasty. In the above historical study, the two types of Large Banner were visualized. The visualization considered the size of the flag, the decoration of the flagpole, and the patterns described in this essay to restore them to their original shape laid out the 18th century relics on the background. By presenting color, size, material patterns, and auxiliary items together, it was possible not only to produce 3D content, but also to produce real products.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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