• Journal of architectural history
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• v.21 no.2
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• pp.53-74
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• 2012

This study aims to overview and review the infiltration of Japanese Buddhism and it's influences on the construction and architectural characteristics of Japanese Buddhist temple from the opening of ports to Independence Day of Korea. Infiltration of Japanese Buddhism had been sustained during 70 years from the foundation of Higashi Hongan-ji Temple(東本願寺) in Pusan, by Shinshu Otani School(眞宗 大谷派) which was one of Japanese Buddhism, to Independence Day of Korea. This study is to be promoted on the following subjects ; 1) the circumstance around the infiltration of Japanese Buddhism 2) Buddhism policy of Japanese Governor and infiltration on Korean Buddhism 3) increasing trend, distribution and construction of Japanese Buddhist temples near downtown areas 4) for the conclusion, case research on Bondang, Gori, and open space and analysis on the architecture style of Japanese Buddhist temples. Accordingly, Korean Buddhism had been subordinated to Japanese Buddhism, and the management system and memorial service of Korean Buddhism had to be affected by Japanese Buddhism. This study is considered meaningful for the elementary research to examine the aspects of Japanese style on Korean Buddhist architecture at that time.

• The Journal of Korean-Japanese National Studies
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• no.21
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• pp.1-43
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• 2011

This article introduces Abe Mituie's activities related to Korean and Japanese Buddhism and two newly discovered materials. He worked as a brain of Japanese cultural rule over Joseon Korea while holding various positions such as the president of KyeongSung Il Bo, the vice president of Kokmin Newspaper and the director of Central Joseon Association. Abe was responsible for Enkak Temple, the head temple of Japanese Rinzai section, and was one of the layman followers of Syak Soen who worked for the spread of modern Japanese Buddhism to Europe and America. He was a respectful Buddhist layman so as to teach Zen Buddhism for young Buddhist monks in Japan. After he started to assume charge in the Kyeong Sung Il Bo, he was also very active in movements in relation to Joseon Buddhism to the extent that he was found to be deeply involved in Joseon Buddhism sections. On the other hand, he concluded Joseon culture to be 'devastated.' He asserted that it was necessary to develop spiritual culture and revive Buddhism in order to resolve the devastation in the Joseon. In addition, he thought that Joseon Buddhism was ruined due to the misgovernment of the Joseon Dynasty, but had its own as great tradition as Japanese Buddhism. Therefore, in his opinion, there was a need to do research on Joseon Buddhism and find some way out of the contemporary difficulties. In order to save the situation, he made efforts to protect and revive Joseon Buddhism while paying continuous visits to Joseon Buddhist temples, supporting the publication of Buddhist canons and proposing to have a regular meeting of 'The Invitation of 30 Head Temples.' From his visit to Youngju Temple and his consistent relationship with Kang Daeryeon, it can be assumed that he was involved in reorganizing power structure in Joseon Buddhism and establishing various institutions. He emphasized the strict adherence of individuals and communities to rules in his lecture for students at Jung Ang Hak Rim. It was a way to revive Joseon Buddhism by creating a new social image of Joseon Buddhism. He continued to work for the restoration of Joseon Buddhism even after he retired from Kyeong Sung Il Bo and returned to Japan. He introduced the originality of Joseon Buddhism history to Japan and sent Japanese monks to Korea in order to do research and contribute to exchange between Korean and Japanese Buddhism. All things taken together, it is evident that Abe Mitzihe regarded Joseon as backward or stagnant from a perspective of evolutionist or orientalist, and was a Japanese elite to believe that it was just for Japan to control Korea. However, he was different from other Japanese elites in that he did not considered Joseon Buddhism merely as the object of propagation. He thought that Joseon Buddhism possessed its own great tradition and culture, but was ruined because of the misadministration of the Joseon Royal House. Therefore, in his opinion, Joseon Buddhism should be recovered by means of some supports, and its revival would lead to the restoration of Joseon culture as a whole, which would be realized by Japanese rule over Korea and Japanese elites' generous assistance.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.17
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• pp.151-171
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• 2004

TAKAHASHI Toru (1878-1967) was one of the most significant Koreanologists in Japanese academic field. He was a professor of Kyeongseong Imperial University in the prewar period and Tenri University (department of Korean studies) in the postwar period. He was majored in Korean intellectual history and literature. His achievements, especially on Korean Confucianism and Buddhism, are still referred and influential. He wrote two pamphlets published by department of education of the Government-General of Korea in 1920. This year was a year after of 3.1 Independent Demonstration. This riot might have demanded Japanese governors to survey about Korean mentality and characteristics. One of outcomes was Chousenjin (Korean People). The pamphlet tried to explain the Korean character in the perspective of a essentialism in Korean race. The other was a simple outline about history of Korean religions entitled Chousen shukyoushi ni arawaretaru sinkou no tokushoku (The characteristics of faith in the history of Korean religions). He explained that Korean religions, especially its Buddhism, were easily influenced by political condition. These pamphlets seemed to be typically colonialistic, since such negative characteristics of Korean made Japanese colonial rule legitimated as the Mission of civilization and enlightenment. His discourses synchronized with the desire of Japanese Imperialism. This article attempted to analyze his discourses in the perspective of postcolonial critics and sociology of knowledge.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.36
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• pp.227-266
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to review the representative Buddhist policies enforced during the reign of Gwanghaegun (光海君), the 15th king of the Joseon Dynasty, and the aspects of the Buddhist community affected by them. Through this, the influence and dynamism of Buddhism during the reign of Gwanghaegun will be revealed. Some of the findings will run contrary to what is popularly known about Joseon Buddhism and the policy of Sungyueokbul (崇儒抑佛), 'Revering Confucianism and Supressing Buddhism.' During the Joseon Dynasty, Neo-Confucianism was taken as an ideological background, and consequently, Buddhism was ostracized by the ruling class who advocated the exclusion of heretical views. This also characterized King Gwanghaegun's reign during the Mid-Joseon Dynasty. In reality though, the ruling class held mixed opinions about Buddhism, and this influenced the Buddhist community in the Gwanghaegun Period. The military might of Japan demonstrated during the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, led the ruling class to recognize Buddhism, and as a result, the status of Buddhism rose to a certain extent. Based on its elevated status and the aftermath of the Japanese Invasion of Korea, the Buddhist community engaged in social welfare activities inspired by the notion of requiting favors, and the Buddhist community gained recognition for providing relief services. As a result, the number of monks increased, and the economic situation improved as land ownership was granted to temples and monks. This is the means by which the Japanese Invasion of Korea influenced the Buddhist policies of the Gwanghaegun Period and changed the religious topography of Buddhism. During the reign of King Gwanghaegun, the ruling class regarded Buddhism as heretical, but offered posthumous titles to monks who engaged in meritorious services during the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Favorable and/or preferential treatment was also granted to some Buddhist monks. In addition, monks began to perform labor projects that demanded organizational and physical strength, such as those which related to national defense and architecture. However, throughout the Gwanghaegun Period, the monks were paid a certain amount of compensation for their labor, and the monks' responsibility for labor increased. This can be understood as a partial reconciliation with Buddhism or an acceptance of Buddhism rather than the suppression of Buddhism often presented by historians. As for policies which affected Buddhism, the Buddhist community showed signs of cooperation with the ruling class, the creation and reconstruction of temples, and the production of Buddhist art. Through close ties with the ruling class, Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period saw the Buddhist community actively responded policies that impacted Buddhism, and this allowed their religious orders to be maintained. In this way, it was also confirmed that the monk, Buhyu Seonsu (浮休 善修) and his disciple Byeogam Gakseong (碧巖 覺性), took up leadership roles in their Buddhist community. The Buddhist-aimed policies of Gwanghaegun were implemented against the backdrop of the Buddhist community, wherein the ruling class held mixed opinions regarding Buddhism. As such, both improvements and set backs for Buddhism could be observed during that time period. The ruling class actively utilized the organizational power of Buddhism for national defense and civil engineering after the Japanese invasions of 1592~1598. Out of gratitude, they implemented appropriate compensation for the Buddhists involved. The Buddhist community also responded to policies that affected them through exchanges with the ruling class. They succeeded in securing funds and support to repair and produce Buddhist temples and artworks. A thoughtful inspection of the policies towards and responses to Buddhism during the Gwanghaegun Period, shows that Buddhism actually enjoyed considerable organizational power and influence. This flies in the face of the general description of Joseon Buddhism as "Sungyueokbul (revering Confucianism and supressing Buddhism)."

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.58 no.8
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• pp.184-199
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• 2008

This thesis aims to examine the formation, and the religious meaning and symbolism of Beob-Lak, which is attached to the preacher's clothing as a full dress of Won-Buddhism, which, as a new religion, was originated in Korea's historical foundation in 1916. In addition, it tries to provide the basic data for the study on Korean religious costume by examining Beob-Lak in the context of social atmosphere of Korea, which has accepted various religions. As a result, I found that Beob-Lak was originated from the different colored lines of the early Japanese Buddhist religious costume and it employed rochza as an independent component, but that the present protocol of Beob-Lak was completed by the first Jongbeobsa Jeongsan Jongsa in the late 1950s and all the religious workers have put it on with the religious costume in great worships since the early 1980s. Beob-Lak of Won-Buddhism, which employs Ilwonsang Beobsinbul as the symbol of its religious doctrine, symbolizes the succession of Beob and represents the will to repay the teacher's favors to hand down the great truth. At the center, Ilwonsan(one round shape) is the symbol of the innate place for everything in the universe, and its yellow color symbolizes the highest nobleness. I expect to see following researches which deal with the costume of Won-Buddhism from various views on the basis of this study on the formation and development of Beob-Lak, which is the symbol of formal full dress of Won-Buddhism as Korea-style new religion created over 90 years ago.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.19
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• pp.165-192
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• 2005

The purpose of this paper is to make clear the relation of traditional religion with economic ethics and attitude in Japan. I selected Shimhak(心學) of Japanese traditional religions to analyze because it has been said that Shimhak was related to the modern ethics of merchants in Japan. The contents of this paper is composed of two parts. First, the religious character of Shimhak is discussed. I will analyze the relation of Shinto, Buddhism and Confucianism to Shimhak to certify the syncretism of Japanese religion. Second, the economic ethics of Shimhak is discussed. I will make clear the historical significance of Shimhak in modern Japan, and the relation of the economic ethics of Shimhak with the spirit of Japanese capitalism. This paper will be useful to make out the social influence of Japanese traditional religion, to estimate the sustaining mode of traditional value and ethics in Japan in the future.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.18
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• pp.101-122
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• 2004

When people discuss the continental cultural elements in the ancient East Asian culture, people always attach great importance to the two major cultures of Confucianism and Taoism, but offer little explanation to the significant influence of the theory of yin and yang, the important philosophical base of the two major cultures. The theory of yin and yang, existing as the theoretical source at a profounder level, possesses philosophical connotations that are always embedded into the mainstream of thought, religions and customs, displaying its unique glamour in its unique way. Its influence is more than that, however. It has exerted far-reaching influence on and is of significant importance to the development of the ancient culture of East Asia. This article aims at exploring this field of study. After the erudite scholar of The Five Classics made a voyage to the east in the early sixth century, The Book of Changes, the most important Chinese ancient classic expounding the theory of yin and yang, started to circulate among the Japanese court, via Baiji in the Korea Peninsula. As a result, the theory of yin and yang found its way to Japan. Examining the spreading channels, we learn that the theory's dissemination was largely related to the activities of Buddhist monks. Shoutoku Prince, regent of Japan at the time, was himself an enthusiastic supporter of Buddhism and was excelled in the study of The Book of Changes and the theory of yin and yang. In the Twelve Ranks System and Seventeen-article Constitution promulgated by Shoutoku Prince, the influence of the theory of yin and yang and of the theory of the five elements can be visibly discerned. This obviously proves the sublime status of the Chinese theory of yin and yang in Japan, thanks to the victory of the political clique that adored Buddhism. In the shaping course of ancient Japanese culture, the theory of yin and yang served as an important philosophical source of its development. Mythology based on Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, two earliest Japanese books that exist today, record mythological stories about the emergence of the Japanese nation. The notion about the birth of heaven and earth and the forming of Japanese Shinto, expressed in the mythological stories, not only tell us the source and historical progress of the Japanese nation but also the nation's world outlook in the transition from barbarian period to civilized period, as well as the basis for its philosophical thinking. All these were marked with profound influence of the Chinese theory of yin and yang. The theory of yin and yang, as one of the ancient Chinese academic thoughts, was accepted asa political belief when it first spread to Japan. The emergence and establishment of both the Mikado system and the centralized regime in ancient Japan drew largely on the theory of yin and yang and adopted it as an important philosophical basis to deify and aggrandize the "imperial power" so as to protect the authority of the imperial ruling and consolidate the established regime. Following the continuous strengthening and expansion of the centralized state power, the theory of yin and yang was further employed, and gradually "hidden" in Japanese culture with the passage of time, finally becoming the edge tool of ancient Japanese Mikados in exercising political power and controlling the country.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.163-187
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• 2013

In this paper, Han Yong-un's view point of Buddhism was examined in the traditional Zen Buddhism. He emphasized the essence of calm and awakened Zen in Wonhyo's theory of Jigwanssangun and Jinul's theory of Jeonghyessangsu. He criticized the behaviors of Zen priests at that time who turned their back on common people, secluded themselves in mountains and tried to stay calm in their places, and ideologically stressed that calm and awakened Zen should be realized in disciplinants' daily lives while enlightening the public. On the other hand, he had consistently stuck to Imjeseonpung(臨濟禪風) based on the spirit of saving the world, rather than depending on Jodongowi(曹洞 五位), when glossing "Sip-hyun-dam" with the traditional $S{\bar{o}}t{\bar{o}}$ Zen(曹洞宗) after Kim Si-seup Compared with Jodongowi, Siphyeondamjuhae(十玄談註解) emphasized Pyeonjungjeong (偏中正) where the right position(正位) of a true man(眞人) is founded in the middle of common people's partiality(偏位). In Siphyeondamjuhae, he intended to rebuke Japanese $S{\bar{o}}t{\bar{o}}$ Zen priests' brutality of trying to annihilate even the spirit of Zen Buddhism through Treaty of Alliance of Korea-Japan Buddhism(朝日佛敎同盟條約). Considering Han Yong-un's view point of Buddhism, it has the characteristic of patriotism and love of the people in the traditional Zen Buddhism.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.16 no.6
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• pp.47-66
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• 2007

$Lokap{\bar{a}}las$ are understood as the deities of four directions in Buddhism: $Dhrtar{\bar{a}}stra$ in the East, $Vir{\bar{u}}dhaka$ in the South, $Vir{\bar{u}}p{\bar{a}}ksa$ in the West and $Vai{\acute{s}}ravana$ in the North respectively. Their common name is, therefore, called as the "Four Guardian Kings", whose function is to prevent demonic forces from entering into its sacred world. Although the position of $Lokap{\bar{a}}las$ is to the lowest level in the hierarchy of the minor deities in Buddhism, the cult of $Lokap{\bar{a}}las$ was widely spread and prominent in the countries of Northern Buddhism. It played a significant role in terms of the state-protecting Buddhism, on behalf of it's esoteric and magic power. More than 20 Gateways of the $Lokap{\bar{a}}las$ and $Lokap{\bar{a}}la$ statues were still well preserved in Korea, and they were believed to be constructed after the Japanese attack in 1592. After war, monks had concentrated on restoring ruined temples and building many new Gateways of the Four Guardian Kings over the Korean peninsular. Under such circumstances, even though the $Lokap{\bar{a}}las$ played a significant role as the subject of cult in Korean Buddhism. they might have a small chance to be taught traditional Lama iconography exactly. The purpose of this essay is to examine the relation of orientation of the Gate way of $Lokap{\bar{a}}las$ and allocation of each Kings inside the gate.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.16
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• pp.151-166
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• 2003

Contemporary Buddhist scholarship in Korea has been strongly affected by its origins in the Victorian era, when Western religious scholars sought to rationalize and historicize the study of religion. Modern Korean scholars, trained within the Western scholarly paradigm, share this prejudice which tends toward the rational. The result is a skewed understanding of Buddhism, emphasizing its philosophical and theoretical aspects at the expense of seemingly "irrational" religious elements based on the direct experience of meditation practice. This paper seeks to look at the historical context in which modern Korean Buddhist scholarship had been shaped during the colonial period of Japan. Two case studies will be examined particularly in the light of post-colonial perspectives of Buddhist studies: the case of Jonghong Bak(1903-1976) and the case of Donghwa Gim(1902-1980), two pioneering scholars in the field of Buddhist studies. They share similarities as well as differences. Both were born and active at almost the same period, during which Korean peninsula experienced modernization forced upon by Japanese colonialism. And thus, the experience of colonialism and modernization brought them into conflict between tradition and modernity. Their responses, however, were different. Pak, originally trained in Western philosophy, especially German philosophy, wanted to study Korean Buddhism in the context of the so-called Korean Philosophy per se. He was motivated to seek for the national and cultural identity of Korea. And thus his scholarship on Korean Buddhism naturally led him to look for an original Korean Buddhism distinct from the Buddhism of India, China and Japan. On the other hand, Gim, who became a monk in his youth, later went to Japan for college where he was exposed to modern Buddhist scholarship. He was the first to introduce modern Buddhist scholarship to Korea, and since then, contemporary Korean Buddhist scholarship owes much to his contributions. Despite his contributions to contemporary Korean Buddhist scholarship, if we look at his efforts in the light of post-colonial perspective, his ideas need to be reevaluate.