• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.189-195
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• 2024

The issue "Exploring Social Media and Other Crucial Success Elements of Attitude towards Politics and Intention for Voting in Pakistan" is a huge study embracing more issues. The politics of Pakistan is basically the politics of semantic groups. Pakistan is a multilingual state more than six languages. There are 245 religious parties in Pakistan, as elaborated by the Daily Times research. The use of social media sites in Pakistan peaked to its maximum after announcement of election schedule by the Election Commission of Pakistan in March 22, 2013. Most of the political parties used it for the recent elections in Pakistan to promote their agenda and attract country's 80 million registered electors. This study was aiming to investigate the role of social media and other critical variables in the attitude towards politics and intention for voting.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.1-13
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• 2011

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.21-29
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• 2012

The popularity of the Internet has affected international politics in many ways; however, it is seemingly overlooked by most scholars, and in particular, realists who view the Internet as low-politics. This article argues that the impact of the Internet on international politics should not be underestimated. By focusing on the capabilities of the Internet in general and P2P networks in particular, this paper shows how the Internet is able to disseminate soft power resources. This is demonstrated by an examination of the dissemination of Japanese soft power resources through BitTorrent. Finally, it is concluded that the Internet is a plausible agent for distributing the resources of soft power; however, once disseminated, soft power resources do not always transform into soft power. In the end, contextual conditions within states always apply.

• 국제지역연구
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• 제21권4호
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• pp.271-294
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• 2017

Despite a huge amount of foreign assistance and close economic guidance by international donors throughout the past decades, Zambia today still suffer from a high level of aid dependency and the absence of sustainable economic development. In this study, I investigate the factors that resulted in aid (and development) failure in Zambia, focusing on institutional/historical contexts. I propose that in Zambia, government has largely failed to implement (or even produce) effective economic policies that could lead to successful use of foreign assistance for long-term, sustainable development. In particular, I focus on the nature of state and politics in Zambia, and argue that failed politics is one of the main causes of development and aid failure in Zambia and highlight colonial legacies and other contextual/institutional factors to understand the nature of politics and state in Zambia. In particular, this paper proposes that the Zambian case demonstrates that foreign aid and donor influence could worsen the situation directly by simply providing wrong guidance and also by further weakening the state (and institutional) capacity of the recipient country.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제11권2호
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• pp.1-12
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• 2012

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제10권1호
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• pp.25-42
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• 2011

• 환경정책연구
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• 제6권4호
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• pp.103-127
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• 2007

본 연구는 정부의 국제환경규범 결정과정에 영향을 줄 수 있는 이익집단들의 정치적 행동을 조감하는데 필요한 정치경제학 모형을 제시한다. 복잡하고 다양한 이익집단의 집단행동을 분석하기 위해서 본 연구는 최근 유행하는 메뉴 옥션 유형의 선거비용 기부 모형으로부터 시작하여 다수 조정자-다수 대리인 이론에 근거하는 국제 이익집단 정치와 더불어 공동 대리인 모형과 다수 조정자-다수 대리인 모델이 혼재되어 있는 경우까지 조감하였다. 국제무역이론의 특정생산요소 모형을 바탕으로 다양한 이익집단 정치경제모형에서 결정될 수 있는 균형 환경규범의 수준을 분석하여 근래 점증하는 환경주의자 이익집단의 정치적 역할 등을 가늠하도록 한다. 2국 소국가 개방경제를 가정하여 각국의 일방적인 환경규범입안은 매우 완화된 수준에서 이루어질 것이고 이 때문에 초래되는 외부효과는 정부 간 협력을 통하여 내재화될 수 있다는 종래의 이론적 주장에서 탈피하여 국가 간 협력을 통하여 달성될 수 있는 최적의 국제환경규범 수준이 동일한 이익을 추구하는 각국의 이익집단 간의 협력을 통해서도 가능함을 지적한다.

• 안보군사학연구
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• 통권7호
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• pp.1-24
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• 2009

This article deals with military thought in general. First I tried to distinguish 'thought' from 'theory', 'philosophy', and 'principle'. Thought means the act of thinking about or considering something, an idea or opinion, or a set of ideas about a particular subject, e.g. military affairs in the present discussion. Theory means a formal statement of the rules on which a subject of study is based or of ideas which are suggested to explain a fact or event or, more generally, an opinion or explanation. Philosophy means the use of reason in understanding such things as the nature of reality and existence, the use and limits of knowledge. Principle means a basic idea or rule that explains or controls how something happens or works. Chapter 3 summarized the characteristics of military thoughts into five points', (i) it is closely related with concrete experiences of a nation; (ii) it includes philosophical and logical arguments; (iii) it relies heavily on the political thought of a nation; (iv) it includes necessarily value-judgments; (v) it contains visions of a nation which are not only descriptions or explanations of military affairs, but also evaluations and advocacies. Chapter 4 considers the relation of international political thoughts to military thought. Throughout the history of the modem states system there have been three competing traditions of thought: the Hobbesian or realist tradition, which views international politics as a state of war; the Kantian or universalist tradition, which sees at work in international politics a potential community of mankind; and the Grotian or internationalist tradition, which views international politics as taking place within an international society. Chapter 5 considers the law of war, which is a body of law concerning acceptable justifications to engage in war (jus ad bellum) and the limits to acceptable wartime conduct (jus in bello). Among other issues, modem laws of war address declarations of war, acceptance of surrender and the treatment of prisoners of war, military necessity along with distinction and proportionality, and the prohibition of certain weapons that may cause unnecessary suffering.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제4권2호
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• pp.163-202
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• 2020

This paper examines how Japanese society produced and reproduced a distinctively gendered history and memories of the experience of WWII and colonialism in the postwar era. We argue that these gendered narratives, which were embedded in postwar debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women, have engendered contradictions and made the historical conflicts with neighboring countries challenging to resolve. On the one hand, this deepens conflict, but on the other, it also generates stability in East Asia. After Japan's defeat in WWII, the American Occupation government created the Peace Constitution, which permanently "renounces war as a sovereign right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international disputes." The removal of the state's monopoly on violence - the symbol of masculinity - resulted in Japan's feminization. This feminization led to collective forgetting of prewar imperialism and militarism in postwar Japan. While collectively forgetting the wartime history of comfort women within these feminized narratives, the conservative movement to revise the Peace Constitution attempted to recover Japan's masculinity for a new, autonomous role in international politics, as uncertainty in East Asia increased. Ironically, however, this effort strengthened Japan's femininity because it involved forgetting Japan's masculine role in the past. This forgetting has undermined efforts to achieve masculine independence, thus reinforcing dependence on the United States. Recurrent debates about the Peace Constitution and comfort women have influenced how Japanese political elites and intellectual society have constructed distinctive social institutions, imagined foreign relations, and framed contemporary problems, as indicated in their gendered restructuring of history.

• International Journal of Knowledge Content Development & Technology
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.51-70
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• 2023

Nowadays, the growth rate of organisational politics in the library system is a cause of concern for library and information professionals. This has negatively impacted service delivery, most especially in public uni- versity libraries. This study examined the effect of organisational politics on job impetus among library personnel in selected public universities in South-west Nigeria. Three federal and three state universities were purposively selected such that one university was selected in each of the six states in South-west Nigeria. Total enumeration was used for all 187 library personnel in the six universities investigated. Using a descriptive survey of correlational type, a structured questionnaire was used to elicit information from respondents through survey monkey. Of 187 copies administered, 143, representing 76.5%, were retrieved and used for analysis. The results revealed a high level of organisational politics with low impetus. A strong inverse relationship was established between organisational politics and job impetus among library personnel in selected public universities in South-west Nigeria. Based on these, recommendations were made that Library personnel be encouraged to focus on their job specifications and limit organisational politics adhering to rules and regulations in the library and code of conduct for library staff.