• Asian review of World Histories
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.81-112
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• 2015

This essay interrogates the category of the 'global' in the emerging domain of 'global intellectual history'. Through a case study of the Indian social-religious reformer Rammohun Roy (1772/4-1833), I argue that notions of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (which have been preoccupying concerns of recent debates in intellectual history) have multiple conceptual and practical points of origin. Thus in early colonial India a person like Rammohun Roy could invoke centuries-old Indic terms of globality (vishva, jagat, sarva, sarvabhuta, etc.), selfhood (atman/brahman), and notions of right (adhikara) to liberation/salvation (mukti/moksha) as well as late precolonial discourses on 'worldly' rights consciousness (to life, property, religious toleration) and models of participatory governance present in an Indo-Islamic society, and hybridize these with Western-origin notions of rights and liberties. Thereby Rammohun could challenge the racial and confessional assumptions of colonial authority and produce a more deterritorialized and non-sectarian idea of selfhood and governance. However, Rammohun's comparativist world-historical notions excluded other models of selfhood and globality, such as those produced by devotional Vaishnava, Shaiva, and Shakta-Tantric discourses under the influence of non-Brahmanical communities and women. Rammohun's puritan condemnation of non-Brahmanical sexual and gender relations created a homogenized and hierarchical model of globality, obscuring alternate subaltern-inflected notions of selfhood. Class, caste, and gender biases rendered Rammohun supportive of British colonial rule and distanced him from popular anti-colonial revolts and social mobility movements in India. This article argues that today's intellectual historians run the risk of repeating Rammohun's biases (or those of Hegel's Weltgeschichte) if they privilege the historicity and value of certain models of global selfhood and rights-consciousness (such as those derived from a constructed notion of the 'West' or from constructed notions of various 'elite' classicized 'cultures'), to the exclusion of models produced by disenfranchised actors across the world. Instead of operating through hierarchical assumptions about local/global polarity, intellectual historians should remain sensitive to and learn from the universalizable models of selfhood, rights, and justice produced by actors in different spatio-temporal locations and intersections.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.40-44
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• 1981

This study was conducted to identify the possibility of paddy weeds served as the host plant of bacterial leaf blight, using various bacterial groups and inoculation methods. The results obtained can be summarized as follows. 1. Alopecurns spp., Setaria viridis P. Beauv., and Leersia juponica Makino were identified the most susceptible to bacterial leaf blight, similar to Milyang 23 which was used as a susceptible check variety. The others such as Digitaria adscendens Hem., Eleusine indic aGaertin., Cyperns serotinus Rottb, Cyperns difformis L. showed slight infection but most of broadleaf weeds were resistant to bacterial leaf blight. 2. Weed species showing early susceptibility maintained their susceptibility throughout the growth stages. Group I of bacterial leaf blight was the most effective to develop infection symptom to weeds. 3. Pin and scissor inoculation methods were more effective mean for infection than spray method which was used without wound.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.58 no.4
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• pp.291-297
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• 2019

Since Metcalfa pruinosa was first reported in Koera, it has continually caused damage to sweet persimmon orchard in southern part of Korea. Metcafa pruinosa exist not only in farmland but also in forest areas, and are difficult to control due to the influx of individuals from near forest. M. pruinosa has been occurred in orchard and its surroundings because of various host range. Thus, it has been difficult to decide spatial range and control time for efficient management. In this study, occurrence and dispersal pattern of M. pruinosa in persimmon orchard were surveyed using clear sticky traps, and spatial patterns were analyzed with SADIE(Spatial Analysis by Distance IndicEs), based on location information at sticky traps. Spatial association between survey time was also analyzed to identify when the spatial pattern changed. In sweet persimmon orchard, M. pruinosa mainly dispersed in mid to late May, when the first instar hatches, and in August, emerging season of adult. The first instar nymphs hatched in mid-May were randomly distributed in orchard, but distribution was changed to aggregative pattern after dispersed surroundings of orchard. Adults showed random distribution pattern after immigration to orchard again. These tendency was also observed in density change at orchard and its surroundings, and matched to actual density of M. pruinosa in sweet persimmon trees.

• Journal of the speleological society of Korea
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• no.4
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• pp.41-50
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• 1996

The coastal plains of the Puna and Ka' u Districts of the island of Hawaii are a contradiction to the popular view that the island of Hawaii is a tropical rain forest or a vegetated landscape with abundant water sour This section of the island lies in the rain shadow of Mauna Loa a Kilauea Volcanoes and receives less than 30 inches of annual precipita When rain does come. it is in the form of sudden down pours. givi residents of the area little time to collect and conserve water. Due to porous nature of the rock. there is no standing surface water. In spite of these harsh climatic conditions. archeological evidence indic that an extensive agriculture complex existed not only along the coast. into the most remote parts of what is called the Ka'u Desert. Pass through these agricultural areas are historic and pre - historic t systems. These trail systems apparently played a significant suppor role for exchange between the ahupua's (classic land divisions of Haw and the geopolitical districts. The question arises as to how could vast agricultural complexes a heavy foot travel over miles of arid land exist without dependable wa sources\ulcorner While planting - pits and mounds were designed to make most efficient use of available water and conserve moisture(Carter 19 9). people involved in planting also needed potable water for surv Most publications and research papers dealing with the early population this area make only oblique reference to springs and wells which t populations depended upon. The Federal Cave Resource Protection Act(1988) has served as imprtus for the National Park Service to look closer at the lava tu caves and fault cracks within Hawaii Volcanoes National Park. P visitors to these underground areas found large volumes of standing wa in fault cracks. and abundant drip areas with the lava tubes. Re observes noted that in most cases. where the cracks and caves we located in the arid sections of the park. there has been extens modifiacation or utilization of these water sources by the early Hawaii and others. The variety of western containers used for collection indica that these water sources were used during historic times. William E described similar water sources in his narrative of his trip around island in 1823(Eills 1979), This report is directed at documenting recent observations and a stimulating further research into early Hawaiian water collection syst It also explores the implications that power and political influence of e chiefs in the arid portions of Hawaii could have been linked to the con of the water resources.

• The Journal of the Korean Society for Microbiology
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.133-144
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• 1986

This study was undertaken to assess the effect of ginseng administration on T lymphocyte induced local xenogenic graft-versus-host(GVM) reactions which were induced with thymocyte, spleen cell and lymph node cell of ICR mice. Mice received daily 10mg of 70% alcohol ginseng extract oral1y for 100days and control mice remained untreated for the same period of time. The cells from donor mice were injected intradermally into the closely shaven abdominal skin of Sprague-Dawley rats for GVH tests. The thymocyte from control(ginseng-untreated) mice showed a negative local GVH reaction, whereas thymocyte from experimental(ginseng-treated) mice showed a positive reaction with the rate of 17.4%. When spleen cells were injected, the incidence of positive local GVH reaction was 66.7% among ginseng-treated mice, as opposed to incidence of 45.5% of positive local GVH reaction among control mice. The incidence of positive local GVH reaction of the lymph node cells when injected into a recipient was 71.4% among ginseng-treated mice as compared with that of 18.9% among control mice. The relationship between spleen cell inoculum and intensity of the local GVH reaction was assessed in ginseng-untreated mice. The intensity of GVH reaction clearly appears to be dose related. In ginseng-treated mice, a minimum of $1{\times}10^7$ spleen cell was required for production of positive local GVH reaction with almost linear relationship up to an inoculum of $5{\times}10^8$ cells. In control mice, however, a minimum of $1{\times}10^8$ spleen cells was required for positive GVH reaction. These results strongly suggest that the ginseng administration augments significantly the local xenogenic GVH reaction which was used to assess T lymphocyte function and immunocompetence of mice and in addition to this, these results appear to support previous suggestions that the local GVH reaction consitutes a qualitative test of the functional activity of T lymphocytes. These results may be the first to induce local GVH reaction, employing rats as recipient and mice as donor. This study was also desingned to investigate some of the effects of ginseng extract on lymphocyte-macrophage interactions. This was accomplished by in vitro quantification of 1) migratory inhibitory factor(MIF) synthetic capacity of splenic lymphocytes in mice previously primed with ginseng 2) MIF responsiveness of mouse peritoneal macrophages or chicken peripheral leucocytes under the presence of ginseng extract 3) migration ability of chicken peripheral leucocytes by direct stimulation of ginseng extract or ginseng saponin and 4) immunosuppressive effects of immunosuppressants such as cyclophosphamide, cyclosporin A or dexamethasone. Mice divided equally into the ginseng and the saline groups, which received intraperitoneally daily 0.2ml of ginseng absolute alcohol-extract(5mg/ml) and same amount of saline for 15 days, respectively. The cellular immune responsiveness of these mice was assayed 15 days after ginseng pretreatment. Splenic lymphocytes of mice treated with ginseng, when stimulated with sensitized specific-antigen such as sheep red blood cells or toxoplasmin, or with polyclonal activator concanavalin A, produced significantly more MIF than those of control saline group. MIF responsiveness of normal mouse macrophages was significantly augmented when assayed under the presence of ginseng extract (1mg/ml). The migratory ability of normal chicken leucocytes in the absence of MIF was significantly decreased by the stimulation of ginseng extract alone. MIF response was significantly decreased by immunosuppressants and this impaired response was not restored by ginseng pretreatment. This study was additionally performed to evaluate the effect of ginseng on the expulsion of adult Trichinella spiralis in mice. ICR mice were infected experimentally by esophageal incubation of 300 T. spiralis infective muscle larvae prepared by acid-pepsin digestion of infected mice. and received oral administration of 70% alcohol ginseng extract(10mg/mouse/day) for the indicated days plus 4 days before infection. At various times after infection, the number of adult T. spiralis worms in small intestines was determined. Interestingly, ginseng-treatment was accompanied by accelerated expulson of T. spiralis. These results led to the conclusion that Panax ginseng caused some enhancing effect on GVH reaction, macrophage migration inhibition reaction and expulsion of T. spiralis. In addition these results suggested that the mechanisms responsible for this enhancement of ginseng may be chiefly or partially due to nonspecific stimulation of cell-mediated immune response.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.