• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.

• Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology & Nutrition
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.51-61
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• 2002

Purpose: The most common causes of neonatal cholestasis are neonatal hepatitis (NH) and extrahepatic biliary atresia (EHBA). Since neonatal cholestasis presents with variable expression of same pathologic process and has similar clinical, biochemical, and histologic features between EHBA and idiopathic neonatal hepatitis (NH), differential diagnosis is often difficult. We reviewed the differences of clinical characteristics and laboratory data to find out any correlation between the results of $Tc^{99m}$ DISIDA scan and presence of acholic stool. Methods: Between June 1993 and January 2001, total 29 infants younger than 4 month-old underwent $Tc^{99m}$ DISIDA scan. Their biochemical tests and clinical course were reviewed retrospectively. Results: Patients who had negative intestinal activity on $Tc^{99m}$ DISIDA scan showed acholic stool and revealed higher serum direct bilirubin and urine bilirubin level. 18.2% of patients with acholic stool showed intestinal activity on $Tc^{99m}$ DISIDA scan and 81.8% of them did not. All the patients without acholic stool showed positive intestinal activity on $Tc^{99m}$ DISIDA scan. The result of $Tc^{99m}$ DISIDA scan and the presence of acholic stool showed high negative correlation (r :-0.858). Patients with acholic stool and negative intestinal activity on $Tc^{99m}$ DISIDA scan showed higher serum total bilirubin level. Patients without acholic stool and positive intestinal activity on $Tc^{99m}$ DISIDA scan showed higher serum level of ALT. Conclusion: Patients with acholic stool and negative intestinal activity showed high correlation, but 18.2% of patients with acholic stool showed positive intestinal activity. So operative cholangiogram or transcutaneous liver biopsy should be performed for confirmation.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

• The Korean Journal of Mycology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.13-73
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• 1979

These studies were conducted to investigate nutrient sources and supplementary materials of synthetic compost media for Agaricus bisporus culture. Investigation were carried out to establish the optimum composition for compost of Agaricus bisporus methods of out-door fermentation and peakheating with rice straw as the main substrate of the media. The incidence and flora of harmful organisms in rice straw compost and their control were also studied. 1. When rice straw was used as the main substrate in synthetic compost as a carbon source. yields were remarkably high. Fermentation was more rapid than that of barley straw or wheat straw, and the total nitrogen content was high in rice straw compost. 2. Since the morphological and physico-chemical nature of Japonica and Indica types of rice straw are greatly dissimilar. there were apparent differences in the process of compost fermentation. Fermentation of Indica type straw proceeded more rapidly with a shortening the compost period, reducing the water supply, and required adding of supplementary materials for producing stable physical conditions. 3. Use of barley straw compost resulted in a smaller crop compared with rice straw. but when a 50%, barley straw and 50% rice straw mixture was used, the yield was almost the same as that using only rice straw. 4. There were extremely high positive correlations between yield of Agaricus bisporus and the total nitrogen, organic nitrogen, amino acids, amides and amino sugar nitrogen content of compost. The mycerial growth and fruit body formation were severely inhibited by ammonium nitrogen. 5. When rice straw was used as the main substrate for compost media, urea was the most suitable source of nitrogen. Poor results were obtained with calcium cyanamide and ammonium sulfate. When urea was applied three separate times, nitrogen loss during composting was decreased and the total nitrogen content of compost was increased. 6. The supplementation of organic nutrient activated compost fermentation and increased yield of Agaricus bisporus. The best sources of organic nutrients were: perilla meal, sesame meal, wheat bran and poultry manure, etc. 7. Soybean meal, tobacco powder and glutamic acid fermentation by-products which were industrial wastes, could be substituted for perilla meal, sesame meal and wheat bran as organic nutrient sources for compost media. B. When gypsum and zeolite were added to rice straw. physical deterioration of compost due to excess moisture and caramelization was observed. The Indica type of straw was more remarkable in increase of yield of Agricus bisporus by addition of supplementing materials than Japonica straw. 9. For preparing rice straw compost, the best mixture was prepared by 10% poultry manure, 5% perilla meal, 1. 2 to 1. 5% urea and 1% gypsum. At spring cropping, it was good to add rice bran to accelerate heat generation of the compost heap. 10. There was significantly high positive correlation (r=0.97) between accumulated temperature and the decomposition degree of compost during outdoor composting. The yield was highest at accumulated temperatures between 900 and $1,000^{\circ}C$. 11. Prolonging the composting period brought about an increase in decomposition degree and total nitrogen content, but a decrease in ammonium nitrogen. In the spring the suitable period of composting was 20 to 25 days. and about 15 days in autumn. For those periods, the degree of decomposition was 19 to 24%. 12. Compactness of wet compost at filling caused an increase in the residual ammonium nitrogen. methane and organic acid during peak heating. There was negative correlation between methane content and yield (r=0.76)and the same was true between volatile organic acid and yield (r=0.73). 13. In compost with a moisture content range between 69 to 80% at filling. the higher the moisture content, the lower the yield (r=0.78). This result was attributed to a reduction in the porosity of compost at filling the beds. The optimum porosity for good fermentation was between 41 and 53%. 14. Peak heating of the compost was essential for the prevention of harmful microorganisms and insect pests. and for the removal of excess ammonia. It was necessary to continue fer mentatiion for four days after peak heating. 15. Ten species of fungi which are harmful or competitive to Agaricus bisporus were identified from the rice compost, including Diehliomyces microsporus, Trichoderma sp. and Stysanus stemoites. The frequency of occurrance was notably high with serious damage to Agaricus bisporus. 16. Diehliomyces microsporus could be controlled by temperature adjustment of the growing room and by fumigating the compost and the house with Basamid and Vapam. Trichoderma was prevented by the use of Bavistin and Benomyl. 17. Four species of nematodes and five species of mites occured in compost during out-door composting. These orgnanisms could be controlled through peakheating compost for 6 hours at $60^{\circ}C$.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.83-100
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• 2022

The Zhenzigou Pb-Zn deposit, which is one of the largest Pb-Zn deposit in the northeast of China, is located at the Qingchengzi mineral field in Jiao Liao Ji belt. The geology of this deposit consists of Archean granulite, Paleoproterozoinc migmatitic granite, Paleo-Mesoproterozoic sodic granite, Paleoproterozoic Liaohe group, Mesozoic diorite and Mesozoic monzoritic granite. The Zhenzigou deposit which is a strata bound SEDEX or SEDEX type deposit occurs as layer ore and vein ore in Langzishan formation and Dashiqiao formation of the Paleoproterozoic Liaohe group. White mica from this deposit are occured only in layer ore and are classified four type (Type I : weak alteration (clastic dolomitic marble), Type II : strong alteration (dolomitic clastic rock), Type III : layer ore (dolomitic clastic rock), Type IV : layer ore (clastic dolomitic marble)). Type I white mica in weak alteration zone is associated with dolomite that is formed by dolomitization of hydrothermal metasomatism. Type II white mica in strong alteration zone is associated with dolomite, ankerite, quartz and alteration of K-feldspar by hydrothermal metasomatism. Type III white mica in layer ore is associated with dolomite, ankerite, calcite, quartz and alteration of K-feldspar by hydrothermal metasomatism. And type IV white mica in layer ore is associated with dolomite, quartz and alteration of K-feldspar by hydrothermal metasomatism. The structural formulars of white micas are determined to be (K_0.92-0.80Na_0.01-0.00Ca_0.02-0.01Ba_0.00Sr_0.01-0.00)_0.95-0.83(Al_1.72-1.57Mg_0.33-0.20Fe_0.01-0.00Mn_0.00Ti_0.02-0.00Cr_0.01-0.00V_0.00Sb_0.02-0.00Ni_0.00Co_0.02-0.00)_1.99-1.90(Si_3.40-3.29Al_0.71-0.60)_4.00O₁₀(OH_2.00-1.83F_0.17-0.00)_2.00, (K_1.03-0.84Na_0.03-0.00Ca_0.08-0.00Ba_0.00Sr_0.01-0.00)_1.08-0.85(Al_1.85-1.65Mg_0.20-0.06Fe_0.10-0.03Mn_0.00Ti_0.05-0.00Cr_0.03-0.00V_0.01-0.00Sb_0.02-0.00Ni_0.00Co_0.03-0.00)_1.99-1.93(Si_3.28-2.99Al_1.01-0.72)_4.00O₁₀(OH_1.96-1.90F_0.10-0.04)_2.00, (K_1.06-0.90Na_0.01-0.00Ca_0.01-0.00Ba_0.00Sr_0.02-0.01)_1.10-0.93(Al_1.93-1.64Mg_0.19-0.00Fe_0.12-0.01Mn_0.00Ti_0.01-0.00Cr_0.01-0.00V_0.00Sb_0.00Ni_0.00Co_0.05-0.01)_2.01-1.94(Si_3.32-2.96Al_1.04-0.68)_4.00O₁₀(OH_2.00-1.91F_0.09-0.00)_2.00 and (K_0.91-0.83Na_0.02-0.01Ca_0.02-0.00Ba_0.01-0.00Sr_0.00)_0.93-0.83(Al_1.84-1.67Mg_0.15-0.08Fe_0.07-0.02Mn_0.00Ti_0.04-0.00Cr_0.06-0.00V_0.02-0.00Sb_0.02-0.01Ni_0.00Co_0.00)_2.00-1.92(Si_3.27-3.16Al_0.84-0.73)_4.00O₁₀(OH_1.97-1.88F_0.12-0.03)_2.00, respectively. It indicated that white mica of from the Zhenzigou deposit has less K, Na and Ca, and more Si than theoretical dioctahedral mica. Compositional variations in white mica from the Zhenzigou deposit are caused by phengitic or Tschermark substitution [(Al³⁺)^VI+(Al³⁺)^IV <-> (Fe²⁺ or Mg²⁺)^VI+(Si⁴⁺)^IV] substitution. It means that the Fe in white mica exists as Fe²⁺ and Fe³⁺, but mainly as Fe²⁺. Therefore, white mica from layer ore of the Zhenzigou deposit was formed in the process of remelting and re-precipitation of pre-existed minerals by hydrothermal metasomatism origined metamorphism (greenschist facies) associated with Paleoproterozoic intrusion. And compositional variations in white mica from the Zhenzigou deposit are caused by phengitic or Tschermark substitution [(Al³⁺)^VI+(Al³⁺)^IV <-> (Fe²⁺ or Mg²⁺)^VI+(Si⁴⁺)^IV] substitution during hydrothermal metasomatism depending on wallrock type, alteration degree and ore/gangue mineral occurrence frequency.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.

• The Journal of Korean Society for Radiation Therapy
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.1-8
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• 2005

Purpose : An effect of a packing to uterine treatment of a cervical cancer using a dose-volume histogram for a point dose and a volume dose of the bladder and the rectum was analyzed by establishing a three-dimensional treatment plan using a CT image. Materials and methods : Reference points of the bladder and the rectum were marked, respectively at a treatment plan device (plato brachytherapy V14.2.4) by photographing CT(marconi, USA) when the packing was used and removed under the same condition and a treatment plan was performed to Apoint depending on ICRU38. However, in case of the rectum, a maximum point was looked up and compared with the above point because the point presented from the ICRU is not proper as a representative value of a rectum point dose. Further, the volume dose depending on volume of $50\%,\;80\%,\;and\;100\%$ point doses of the rectum and the bladder was measured. The measured values were used to analyze the effect of the packing through a Wilcoxon Signed Rank Test (a SAS statistical analysis process program). Result : The reference points at the bladder and rectum doses when the packing was removed were $116.94\;35.42\%$ and $117.59\;21.08\%$, respectively. The points when the packing was used were $107.08\;38.12\%$ and $95.19\;21.32\%$, respectively. After the packing was used, the reference points at the bladder and the rectum were decreased by $9.86\%$ and $22.4\%$, respectively. When the packing was removed, the maximum points at the bladder and the rectum were $164.51\;50.89\%,\;128.81\;33.05\%$, respectively. When the packing was used, the maximum points at the bladder and the rectum were $142.31\;44.79,\;110.08\;37.03\%$, respectively. After the packing was used, the maximum points at the bladder and the rectum were decreased by $22.2\%$ and $18.73\%$, respectively. When the packing was removed, the bladder volume at $50\%,\;80\%,\;and\;100\%$ point doses of the rectum and the bladder were $48.62{\pm}18.09\%,\;16.12{\pm}11.15\%,\;and\;7.51{\pm}6.63\%$, respectively and its rectum volume were $23.41{\pm}14.44\%,\;6.27{\pm}4.28\%,\;2.79{\pm}2.27\%$, respectively. When the packing was used, the bladder volume at $50\%,\;80\%,\;and\;100\%$ point doses of the rectum and the bladder were $40.33{\pm}16.72,\;11.63{\pm}8.72,\;and\;4.87{\pm}4.75\%$, respectively and its rectum volume were $18.96{\pm}8.37\%,\;4.75{\pm}2.58\%,\;and\;1.58{\pm}1.06\%$, respectively. After the packing was used, the bladder volume at $50\%,\;80\%,\;and\;100\%$ point doses of the rectum and the bladder were decreased by $8.29\%,\;4.49\%,\;and\;2.64\%$, respectively and its bladder volume were decreased by $4.45\%,\;1.52\%,\;and\;1.21\%$, respectively. Conclusion : Values at Reference point doses of the bladder and the rectum recommended from the ICRU 38 were 0.0781 and 0.0781, respectively and values of their maximum point doses were 0.0156 and 0.0156, respectively, as a result of which an effect of the packing using at the uterine intracavitary treatment of an uterine cervical cancer through the three-dimensional treatment plan used CT were measured. That is, the values at reference point doses and the values at maximum point doses show similar difference. However, P value was 0.15 at over $50\%,\;80\%,\;and\;100\%$ volume doses and the value shows no similar difference. In other words, the effect of the packing looks like having a difference at the point dose, but actually shows no difference at the volume dose. The reason is that the volume of the bladder and the rectum are wide but the volume of the packing is only a portion. Therefore, the effect of decreasing the point dose was not great. Further, the farer the distance is, the more weak the intensity of radiation is because the intensity of radiation is proportional to inverse square of a distance. Therefore, the effort to minimize an obstacle of the bladder and the rectum by using the packing should be made.