• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.137-167
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• 2024

This study sought to explain the reasons why the civic education bill failed to be enacted as many as 13 times. What we discovered as a result of our research is, first, the absence of a legislative strategy by the minority member of the national assembly on this bills. The Citizenship Education Bill was a controversial bill with great potential for ideological conflict, and after the 19th National Assembly, this bill was promoted by a minority of a specific political party. The Democratic Party's sponsoring lawmakers did not use active legislative strategies, such as exerting influence within the party to have these bills adopted as the party's platform, or developing them into major pledges for the general and presidential elections. Second, there is a consistent passive response from civic groups as well as lawmakers who signed the bill in an unfavorable public opinion environment. During the legislative process, opposing opinions were overwhelming, including concerns about the spread of leftist ideology, waste of budget and organization, and violation of neutrality and fairness in education. In addition, the passive attitude of field teachers and civic groups, who should be in charge of civic education, also served as a background for the legislative failure. Third, due to a lack of sharing of reliable information on recent theoretical research and global policy trends among stakeholders, legislation through an agreement between the ruling and opposition parties failed.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• no.123
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• pp.137-185
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• 2018

This article aims to deconstruct the mechanism of male domination that constantly reproduces the hegemonic class of men. In order to overcome misogyny, we should no longer deny the ontological dimension of the reality of women's oppressions and the pre-eminence of the material condition of women's existence. In addition, the possibility of the category of women as a modality of resistance should be taken into consideration. First, I will highlight the correlation between penis and phallus according to which the phallus refers to the penis which is malleable and fragile and which disappears without being castrated by the external factor. From here we could deduce the fragility and imperfection, the non-absoluteness of the phallic order. Secondly, I will analyze the mechanism of penis-narcissism, which is the modality of the constitution of the individual identity of man. The penis is not only a physiological organ, but a site of self-estimation and the validity of the succession of power and authority of the father's law. With this penis-narcissism, man is constituted as a hegemonic body that can let itself go without worrying about the reactions of others. Thirdly, I will focus on the mechanism of the penis-cartel which is the modality of the formation of the collective identity. The penis-cartel is reinforced by the mutual affirmation of the superiority of men among themselves, but also by the permission and the tacit agreement of their absurdity and lack of rationality and corruption. Because the privilege of men is not monopolized by a small part of the elite, but is consciously and unconsciously shared by all men who are part of the hegemonic and collective category. In order to deconstruct the penis-narcissism and the penis-cartel, it is necessary to demonstrate that the penis is not a self-sufficient body, nor a closed and impermeable body, but that it is a porous body where the organ serves both ejaculation and urinary ejection. The penis is a porous body that is at once the site of sublimity and degradation, purity and impurity. In addition, the penis is no longer an all-powerful and aggressive organ, but it is a malleable and fluid flesh that constantly changes its shape. Linked to a phallus-organ that is the notion of Jacques-Alain Miller, it is a site of deficiency and vulnerability that is not the axis of the penis-cartel. It is through the notion of the double porosity of the penis and the phenomenology of the flesh of the penis, I try to provide the modality of undoing the reproductive mechanism of predatory masculinity. Because this would be an effective strategy to overcome misogyny.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.39
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• pp.319-353
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• 2014

Cyber-based technologies are now ubiquitous around the glob and are emerging as an "instrument of power" in societies, and are becoming more available to a country's opponents, who may use it to attack, degrade, and disrupt communications and the flow of information. The globe-spanning range of cyberspace and no national borders will challenge legal systems and complicate a nation's ability to deter threats and respond to contingencies. Through cyberspace, competitive powers will target industry, academia, government, as well as the military in the air, land, maritime, and space domains of our nations. Enemies in cyberspace will include both states and non-states and will range from the unsophisticated amateur to highly trained professional hackers. In much the same way that airpower transformed the battlefield of World War II, cyberspace has fractured the physical barriers that shield a nation from attacks on its commerce and communication. Cyberthreats to the infrastructure and other assets are a growing concern to policymakers. In 2013 Cyberwarfare was, for the first time, considered a larger threat than Al Qaeda or terrorism, by many U.S. intelligence officials. The new United States military strategy makes explicit that a cyberattack is casus belli just as a traditional act of war. The Economist describes cyberspace as "the fifth domain of warfare and writes that China, Russia, Israel and North Korea. Iran are boasting of having the world's second-largest cyber-army. Entities posing a significant threat to the cybersecurity of critical infrastructure assets include cyberterrorists, cyberspies, cyberthieves, cyberwarriors, and cyberhacktivists. These malefactors may access cyber-based technologies in order to deny service, steal or manipulate data, or use a device to launch an attack against itself or another piece of equipment. However because the Internet offers near-total anonymity, it is difficult to discern the identity, the motives, and the location of an intruder. The scope and enormity of the threats are not just focused to private industry but also to the country's heavily networked critical infrastructure. There are many ongoing efforts in government and industry that focus on making computers, the Internet, and related technologies more secure. As the national intelligence institution's effort, cyber counter-intelligence is measures to identify, penetrate, or neutralize foreign operations that use cyber means as the primary tradecraft methodology, as well as foreign intelligence service collection efforts that use traditional methods to gauge cyber capabilities and intentions. However one of the hardest issues in cyber counterintelligence is the problem of "Attribution". Unlike conventional warfare, figuring out who is behind an attack can be very difficult, even though the Defense Secretary Leon Panetta has claimed that the United States has the capability to trace attacks back to their sources and hold the attackers "accountable". Considering all these cyber security problems, this paper examines closely cyber security issues through the lessons from that of U.S experience. For that purpose I review the arising cyber security issues considering changing global security environments in the 21st century and their implications to the reshaping the government system. For that purpose this study mainly deals with and emphasis the cyber security issues as one of the growing national security threats. This article also reviews what our intelligence and security Agencies should do among the transforming cyber space. At any rate, despite of all hot debates about the various legality and human rights issues derived from the cyber space and intelligence service activity, the national security should be secured. Therefore, this paper suggests that one of the most important and immediate step is to understanding the legal ideology of national security and national intelligence.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.249-293
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• 2018

The Musical Theatre was a popular art genre that originated from the western musical tradition represented by the European opera. In the twentieth century, it bloomed around Broadway in the United States. It is also one of the commercial arts which is popularly loved by the public in the field of performing arts all over the world at present. Due to the nature of this genre, the development of dramas and the expression of characters use music, not words or gestures, as the main medium. And the style of music reacts sensitively to the taste of the public, not to a particular class. When Japan colonized Korea, the empire strongly believed modernization equaled westernization and Japan was the one who could awaken Korean. The Japanese colonial music education was intended to bring cooperation and obedience to Japan by forcibly injecting Japanese ideology and culture into Joseon people. The music education of colonialism with the textbook of the "Songs for public education(보통교육 창가집)" compiled by the Japanese government was a sparkstone for the conversion of the Korean musical identity to Japanese and Western music. In addition to the capitalistic economical mechanism for establishing a South Korean government friendly with the United States during the Cold War after liberation, and the rush of American Pop culture represented by 'the show stage in 8th US Arm' and 'movies' which are to be the influence of invisible 'new cultural imperialism', our traditional music was confined to the meaning of 'Korean music', meaning 'past music'. In Korea, after the liberation, the musical was introduced by the influx of American popular culture. In accordance with the cultural policy of Park Jeong-hee regime, which aimed to spread the 'healthy culture' through the modernization of traditional arts, 'The Yegreen(예그린악단)' was founded. However, the plan to create a contemporary performing art based on Korean national arts showed the possibility of success in 1966 with the success of , but soon after, they have been destined to fall into an institution that has lost their ability to operate on their own due to the suspension of the sponsorship of the regime. Due to the cultural imperialist strategy of the influence of Japanese imperialism's colonial music education and influx of American popular culture after liberation, in the early days of Korean musicals, our traditional aesthetic style brought about the situation of the 1960 's, which did not become an independent ethnic art through the exchange and expansion with Western music. This is the background of the western licensed musicals led by the Korean musical market in the 21st century as well as the main cause of musical creation based on western music.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.12
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• pp.179-235
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• 2005

In this article, the task of evaluating the official documents that were created and issued by the Joseon Governor General office during the Japanese occupation period, with new perspectives based upon the Macro-Appraisal approaches developed by the Canadian scholars and personnel, will be attempted. Recently, the Canadian people and the authorities have been showing a tendency of evaluating the meaning and importance of a particular document with perspectives considering the historical situation and background conditions that gave birth to that document to be a more important factor, even than considering the quality and condition of that very document. Such approach requires the archivists to determine whether they should preserve a certain document or not based upon the meaning, functions and status of the entity that produced the document or the meaning of the documentation practice itself, rather than the actual document. With regard to the task of evaluating the official documents created and issued by the Joseon Governor General office and involved the city plans devised by the office back then, this author established total of 4 primary tasks that would prove crucial in the process of determining whether or not a particular theme, or event, or an ideology should be selected and documents involving those themes, events and ideologies should be preserved as important sources of information regarding the Korean history of the Japanese occupation period. Those four tasks are as follow: First, the archivists should study the current and past trends of historical researches. The archivists, who are usually not in the position of having comprehensive access to historical details, must consult the historians' studies and also the trends mirrored in such studies, in their efforts of selecting important historical events and themes. Second, the archivists should determine the level of importance of the officials who worked inside the Joseon Governor General office as they were the entities that produced the very documents. It is only natural to assume that the level of importance of a particular document must have been determined by the level of importance(in terms of official functions) of the official who authorized the document and ordered it to be released. Third, the archivists should be made well aware of the inner structure and official functions of the Joseon Governor General office, so that they can have more appropriate analyses. Fourth, in order to collect historically important documents that involved the Koreans(the Joseon people), the archivists should analyze not only the functions of the Joseon Governor General office in general but also certain areas of the Office's business in which the Japanese officials and the Koreans would have interacted with each other. The act of analyzing the documents only based upon their respective levels of apparent importance might lead the archivists to miss certain documents that reflected the Koreans' situation or were related to the general interest of the Korean people. This kind of evaluation should provide data that are required in appraising how well the Joseon Governor General office's function of devising city plans were documented back then, and how well they are preserved today, utilizing a comparative study involving the Joseon Governor General office's own evaluations of its documentations and the current status of documents that are in custody of the National Archive. The task would also end up proposing a specialized strategy of collecting data and documents that is direly needed in establishing a well-designed comprehensive archives. We should establish a plan regarding certain documents that were documented by the Joseon Governor General office but do not remain today, and devise a task model for the job of primary collecting that would take place in the future.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.165-194
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• 2018

Employing Fairclough's critical discourse analysis (CDA), the purpose of this study was to analyze linguistically significant features, intertextuality, and sociocultural practice focusing on selected editorials of The Global Times, $Hu{\acute{a}}nqi{\acute{u}}$ Shíbào on the 2018 United States-China Trade War. The editorial titled "With the strong will of 'the War to Resist America and Aid Chosun,' let us go through the trade war against America" focused on the use of 'war' related vocabulary in the frame of 'war.' First, "Trade War" and "War to Resist America and Aid Chosun" are examples that reveal metaphors and a war frame. Second, "Strategy" is used positively for China but negatively towards America. Third, various war related words are used. Fourth, cases of allusion illustrate war. Intertextuality in terms of discourse practice pertains to two findings. First, The Global Times, $Hu{\acute{a}}nqi{\acute{u}}$ Shíbào repeatedly uses the phrase 'equivalent revenge.' That is because the expression enables China to justify their counterattack and such war that China may wage can be interpreted as just counterattack much like a self-defense mechanism. Second, the expression, 'the counterattack is not intended but it is not fearful' is repeated in several editorials of the newspaper. The reasons are the following: 1) it is used to appeal to the public, 2) by invoking the feeling of fear, the public should be understand why they should unite, and 3) the expression, "it is not fearful" is used to preserve China's global image and "the counterattack is not intended" is used to signal China's will to America. The whole expression is a good example of intertextuality that repetitively illustrates the intended meaning of China in nine editorials in the newspaper within three months, March 23-June 17, 2018. Finally, sociocultural practice is manipulated through the editorial for disseminating the Chinese government's hegemonic ideology. First, it is clear that the core national project, "China Manufacturing 2025" cannot be abandoned. Second, by calling for "War to Resist America and Aid Chosun" the editorial is manipulated to condemn and intimidate America, avoid dissent of the people, appeal to the people, and empower the government. Third, China somehow wants to open up the possibility of negotiation with the United Sates.