• Women's Health Nursing
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.161-178
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• 1998

In spite of the great progress of the theory and skill of the Nursing Care & Medical area in relation to pregnancy, nurses in clinics face up to many challenges in maternity nursing care areas. The reason is that the mobility and mortality of mothers was sharply decreased and the unknown high-risk diseases of pregnancy woman in the past is made public. That's why it is difficult to meet the pregnancy woman in natural process from pregnancy to delivery in recently. Admission rooms are filled with high-risk pregnancy women. As a matter of fact, we have done nursing care into the surface symptoms and diseases of high-risk pregnancy women so far. We have been indifferent to a long period hospitalization, separation from family, and conflict of repeated examination. Therefore, it is widely spread to understand the emotional conflict experienced by high-risk pregnancy women and to need for nursing intervention to bring up about emotional support and the ability of perception in psychological crisis. Although the pregnancy woman judged in high-risk should carry out normal task of pregnancy, she have to be confronted with secondary risk situation. The health of self & fetus threatened by the risk situation could be decreased through care plan, but psychological stress increases. Therefore, the pregnancy brings into non-control state. It is important to ask that what the hospitalized pregnancy women in high-risk think of themselves status. Because misunderstanding or serious anxiety of themselves status put into mother and fetus in danger. And adaptation mode makes all the difference. I would like to consider how nurses could deal with this high-risk circumstances in the position of pregnancy woman on the basis of the above fact. This study uses phenomenological method to suggest the basis material for nurses to do nursing intervention in view of pregnancy woman. Because this method understands the nature of true life of pregnancy woman throughly. The phenomenological method is the sources to describe or explain affluently the process generated in confirmation areas and environment and is the application for readers to understand and recognize clinic reality and then apply this method to reasoning study place or other places. Specifically, the phenomenon study method, one of the phenomenological method, is applied. The use of that method is to describe and generalize the experience in environment exactly. The study of this study is as follows : Among 187 descriptive stamens from 8 study participants are classified into 42 theme cluster at the stage of the first analysis. Those theme is categorized into 8 sub-subjects such as anxiety of uncertainty, foreknowledge about risk circumstance, will power about overcome, unsettled feeling about hospital, relief, optimistic thought, family support, and indifferences. At the last stage of analysis, those things are categorized into 3 subjects. When high-risk pregnancy woman foretell the situation, they feel unsettlement about uncertainty and untrust feeling about hospital. But they are ease with family support and hospital support. On the other hand, they express indifferent 3-way structure response to the situation having will of overcome and exceeding optimistic thought. In those statements, the experience by pregnancy woman shows 3 respect subjects. 1. They are anxious of this situation and are in desperation and don't recognize their role to be carried out 2. They think of this situation as normal process of pregnancy and are not concerned that this can give themselves and fetus fatal damage. 3. The pregnancy women will never confront this situation. This study shows the pregnancy woman has anxiety and optimistic relief about the situation, and ignores and optimistic relief about the situation, and ignores many things. Therefore, nurses in clinic should give pregnancy woman knowledge and information about the high-risk and help them to deal with the situation spontaneously. High-risk pregnancy woman should have the care plan in respect of the right perception. And the nurse know that their support help out pregnancy woman overcome the crisis in this respect of the special nursing intervention.

• Women's Health Nursing
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.5-35
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• 1998

This study attempted to determine the relation between the maternal role strain and their husbands' support in employed and nonemployed first-time mothers, and how it changed over time. A descriptive, longitudinal and comparative study design was conducted to collect and analyzed the data at three times(at 3-4days, at 4-6wks and at 3-month postpartum) regarding the change of maternal role strain and their husbands' support in employed and nonemployed first-time mothers. The subjects were 133 first-time mothers who delivered vaginally at K university hospital in Deagu, Korea from Dec., 1994 to Oct., 1995. Among these 58 were employed and 75 were nonemployed first-time mothers. This instruments used to data collection in this study were by Hobbs(1968 : The Difficulty Index for First-time Parents), Staffensmeier(1982: Transition Difficulty Measure), Tayer(1976: Emotional Support from Husband), Lee, Hae Kyoung(1992 : Physical Support from Husband). The analysis of data was done with SAS/PC program which included percentage, $x^2$-test, Pearson correlation, Repeated Measure ANOVA, Time Contrast Analysis and t-test. The results were as follows : 1. There was a significant negative correlation only at 3-4days(r=-.19, P=.0265) and at 4-6wks postpartum(r=-.18, P=.0392) between maternal role strain and husband's support of the first-time mothers. Thus, the more support from husband, the less maternal role strains the first-time mothers felt. Therefore, the 1st hypothesis that "the more husband's support the first-time mother felt at all the time of testing, the less maternal role strains they got" was partially supported at 3-days and 4-6 weeks postpartum. There was no correlation between maternal role strain and t husband's support of the employed first-time mothers at al testing times(at 3-4days postpartum : r=-.95, P=.9548, at 4-6wks postpartum : r=-.0960, P=.4733 and at 3-month postpartum : r=-.05, P=7306). On the contrary, the unemployed first-time mothers felt less maternal role strain when they received more support from their husband at 3-4 days postpartum(r=-.31, P=.0073) and at 4-6wks postpartum(r=-.23, P=.0490). 2. There was no difference of maternal role strain between two groups with regards to employment status(F=.97, P=.3270). But the maternal role strains of two groups were changed differently each other over time(F=3.89, P=.00234). Therefore, the 2nd hypothesis that "there was the difference in the maternal role strains with regard to employment status and over time" was rejected. 3. There was no difference in husband's support between the employed and the nonemployed first-time mothers(F=3.06, P=.0826). But there was a significant interaction between employment status and over time(F=3.64, P=.0267), so the support from husband of the employed and the unemployed first-time mothers was changed differently each other over time. The support from husband of the employed first-time mothers was lowered significantly and continuously at 4-6wks (F=5.20, P=.0263) and at 3-month postpartum(F=6.47, P=.0137) than at 3-4 days postpartum. On the contrary, there was no difference in change of husband's support of the employed first-time mothers between the 3-4 days and the 4-6wks postpartum(F=1.70, P=.1962) and between the 3-4 days and the 3-month postpartum(F=.21, P=.6513). Mean husband's support of the nonemployed first-time mothers was raised at 4-6wks postpartum than at 3-4 days postpartum but lowed at 3-month postpartum. The support form husband of both groups was tending downwards at 3-month postpartum than at 4-6wks postpartum, but the one between two groups was changed differently each other over time. The husband's support of the employed first-time mothers(M${\pm}$SD=64. 26${\pm}$8.63) was higher than the one of the nonemployed first-time mothers(M${\pm}$SD=59.16${\pm}$11.11) (t=-2.98, P=.0035), so the 3rd hypothesis that "there was the difference in the husband's support with regard to employment status and over time" was supported. On the basis of these conclusions, the following suggestion is proposed. This study examined the change and relationship between maternal role strain and husband's support in the employed and the nonemployed first-time mothers. So the further study regarding the comparison between the employed and the nonemployed multiparas is necessary.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.9-35
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• 2017

This article is to study the life and philosophy of Jonjae Gidaeseung, who was at strife with his days and did not negotiate with himself, with focus on two concepts of buron(不穩, unrest) and 'sympathy'. It is the fact that to study the traditional philosopher is likely to be enlightening. In order to prevent the risk, we need to define first the concept of unrest as including anxiety to critical resistance. Also, I would like to propose the concept of sympathy in order to grasp the function of his mind which judges whether his feelings and actions are valid from an emotional horizon of unrest. Methodologically this article is to adopt a transversal and correlative thinking by combining an east Asian Confucian traditional concept unrest with a modern one space. It is because this research is to show a significant meaning when we study highlighted and hidden layers of our life and politics in 'now-here' and the 'between space' even though this transversal and correlative study shows the horizon of his life. This article is to investigate how a case is structured by occurrences and divergences and reinterpret a meaning from an emotional horizon. This process is done centering on two terms Guchatuan(pursuing ease ignobly), and Suwolbingho(moon reflected in the water and ice in a bottle), which is the source of Bingwoldang. The two terms were used by Jonjae himself. The latter shows an opposite meaning from the first and is accordingly a way by which we can look into his life and days. My research of Jonjae's life and politics from the emotional-philosophical level is original in that it reveals emotional traces beyond his philosophical ideas which previous studies did not show. In this article, I showed that Gobong was ambitious and resolute, and definite in his judgment and therefore was not good at controlling his uprightness. Also he was too straightforward to purify a language. His unrest characters made him conflict with old ministers and high ranking officials and therefore they avoided him even thought he was excellent in writing and learning and talented. He was oriented toward living by goodness and right Ways, which is summed up as Gisesa(vague movement, situational advantage, and death).

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.127-150
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• 2018

Although Wangfu's Tian-Ren relations theory could not be free from the influence of the religious understanding of the Yinyangwuxing theory, which was prevalent in the times of two Hans, due to the limitations of the times, it refers to human status and capabilities here and there of the "Qianfulun" and traces of attempts to enhance humans' ability to preside and attempts to dilute the powers of Tian(heaven) and God can be found. In addition, the fact that the theory shifted the focus of the administration and politics of the state from Tian(heaven) to the people can be also said to be highly worthwhile. Of course, when seen from philosophical, political, social, and economic perspectives, Wangfu's primary concern can be said to have been the stabilization of people's livelihood. The influence and contribution of Wangfu's ?Qianfulun? as such on the aspects of political and philosophical thoughts in the society at the time can be said to be comparable to those of Wangchong. Although there are the limitations of the situations of the times faced by Wangfu that made him unable to surpass the standardized paradigm of the Tian-Ren response theory, when seen from other perspectives, the fact that he severely criticized the confused social conditions at that time unlike other intellectuals in the confused situations at the end of the East Han Dynasty period can be said to be worth affirmation. The fact that Wangfu, who tried to work on the basis, the stabilization of the people's livelihood, concentrated most of his energy on overcoming the situation of national internal and external troubles such as breaking down the bad customs of operating the national administration by religious notions such as natural calamity or superstition instead of trying to solve the problems of the times from the academic and ideological aspects as with Wangchong can be also said to be valuable in itself. In addition, Wangfu naturally became to take the lead in breaking down deeply superstitious notions such as the Yinyangwuxing theory and the Chanwei theory while he was conducting studies on how practical problems could be overcome facing the situations in the turbulent period.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.39
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• pp.29-52
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• 2013

Philosophy of respect righteousness advocated by Nammyung points to what first needs to be done to drive social changes. It is consistent with the Confucianism, which views the world from within oneself. After all, developing a proper view of the society starts from looking at oneself in the right perspective. The view that personal cultivation can develop into cultivation and eventually reform of the entire society is also present in Confucius' belief that one can only be at peace after disciplining oneself and observe good manners only after perseverance. Also, one can lead the world in peace only after disciplining one's body and mind. In other words, it suggests that individuals and the community where they belong to are not independent from one another. Rather, individuals gather to create a society and righteous individuals are the basis for righteous society. These principles of social system in Confucianism can be understood as a mutual or layered division and integration. The society is not conflicted with individuals or the nation but rather perceived as moral communities to co-exist. Hence, power of execution observed in the philosophy of respect and righteousness by Nammyung is identical to power of execution applied to the society. The power of execution shows up as 'the execution of righteousness' in Nammyung's philosophy of respect and righteousness. It is also demonstrated in the acts by Nammyung's disciples when the nation was at crisis. This is what differentiates Nammyung's new-Confucianism in Joseon Dynasty from Toegye or Yulgok as he tried to deliver 'the execution of righteousness.' It does not mean that neo-Confucian scholars did not emphasize the importance of execution, but Nammyung, in particular, warned how deceitful ideological or inner-directed thinking can be since they fail to come up with concrete solutions to social issues. In summary, Nammyung's moral discipline and training based on respect and righteousness cannot be evaluated in a state of vacuum separate from social and historical aspects but under the context of enlightening virtue and social execution. This can draw the conclusion that Nammyung's execution of respect and righteousness is in the starting point of the realistic 'theory of social reform' for creating a better world.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.231-258
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• 2018

This paper examines the differences of two different versions of "Cheonuisogameonhae" in terms of stylistics and investigates factors affecting the differences. The interpretations between the woodblock edition and the manuscript edition might be different depending on assumed range of readership, and the stylistic differences between two editions might be different depending on the possibility of extension of the reading population. Thus, this paper examines how stylistic effects are reflected in inter-relations between a translator as a speaker and readers as listeners according to speaker intentions. In Chapter 2, the stylistic differences reflected from two difference editions are examined in terms of the expression of a writer's respect, emotions, and formal consciousness to readers. The expressions of a writer's respect are more clearly emerged in the manuscript edition than in the woodblock edition. The honorific expression of a subject, '-gyeo?dsyeo', and the honorific expression of a writer, '-s?p-', are more frequently used in the manuscript edition than in the woodblock edition. In order to express positive emotions, exclamation endings are used in the manuscript edition, which shows the writer's strong emotional sympathy with readers' words and behaviors. On the other hand, in the woodblock edition, '-이' is used after names in order to treat rebellious subjects and people involved in conspiracy contemptuously by the use of informal forms. In addition, affirmative sentences in the manuscript edition and double negative sentences in the woodblock edition are used respectively, which intends to strongly emphasize a king's will and the appropriateness of the will. The writer's formal consciousness to readers are found in the way of writing names of people and places in Korean. Chinese characters are generally used two show formal consciousness; thus, names of people and places are expressed in Chinese characters in the woodblock edition. In Chapter 3, factors that made the stylistic differences between two editions are examined. The factors causing stylistic differences are examined in terms of the purpose of the interpretation, the class and range of the reading population, a writer's attitudes toward readers, and the face-to-fact situation of a writer and readers.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.33-61
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• 2009

In the late Koryo period, until 14th century, there had been at least two groups of Manchurians who were conferred citizenships; one group was living as an original inhabitant in the coastal area of north­eastern part of Korean peninsular, long time ago, and they were over one thousand households. The other was coming down from inland, eastern part of Yoha River, to the area of Tuman River to settle down and they were at least around one hundred and sixty households, including such tribes as Al-tha-ry, Ol-lyang-hap, Ol-jok-hap and others. They were treated courteously, from the early days of Choson dynasty, with governmental policies in an economic, political, and social ways. They were given, for instance, a house, a land, household furniture, and clothes. They were allowed to get marry with a native Korean to settle down. They were educated how to cultivate their lands. It was also possible for them to be given an official position politically or allowed to take a National Civil Official Examination. The fact they could take such an Examination, in particular, means they were treated fairly and equally, because they also had a privilege to improve their social positions through the formal system as much as common people. Two typical families were scrutinized, in this paper, family Chong-hae Lee and family Chon-ju Ju. All of them were successful to settle down with different backgrounds each other. The former were from a headman, Lee Jee-ran, who controlled his tribe, over five hundred households. He was given three titles of a meritorious retainer at the founding of Chosun dynasty, at the retrieval of armies, and an enshrined retainer. His son, Lee Wha-yong, was also given a vassal of merit who kept a close tie successfully with the king's family through a marriage. Upon the foundation of their ancestors, their grandsons, family Lee Hyo-yang and family Lee Hyo-gang, each, had taken solid root as an aristocratic Yang-ban class. The former became a high officer family, generation by generation, while the latter changed into a civil official family through Civil Official Examinations. They lived mainly around Seoul, Kyong-gi Province and some lived in their original places, Ham-kyong Province. Chu-man, the first ancestor, was given a meritorious retainer at the founding of the dynasty and Chu-in was also given a high officer position from the government. They kept living at the original place, Ham-heung, Ham-kyong Province, and then became an outstanding local family there. They began to pass the Civil Official Examinations. After 17th century on the passers were 17 in Civil Official Examinations and 40 were passed in lower civil examinations. The positions in government they attained usually were remonstrance which position was prohibited particularly to North­Western people at that time. The Chosun dynasty was open to Machurians widely through the system of envoy, convoy, and naturalization. It was intended to build up an enclosure policy through a friendly diplomatic relation with them against any possible invasion from outside. This is one reason why they were supported fully that much in a various way.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.387-414
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• 2009

This paper looks into the Confucius customs of Yiphu and Seungjung, that is respectively a problem of deciding the successor of the family and a matter of establishing Jongtong (宗統: the proper inheritance line of the family), especially concerning the funerary and ancestor memorial services through Seongho Lee Ik's discussion on proprieties, whose Yeahak (禮學: Studies on Proprieties) is representative of the eighteenth century Yeahak. Seongho Lee Ik sees that there is one penetrating principle that should apply the same concerning Jongtong, regardless whether it is for the state or for a family or whether it is for the royal family or for the gentry in or out of the state service. To establish this one penetrating principle, he emphasizes the manners that fit one's circumstance and social standing, proposed as the theory and practice of 'Seoin-garyea (庶人家禮: Proper customs that even common people with no official titles can practice in marking their important life events like coming-of-age, marriage, and death)'. These two aspects of Seongho seem at odds with each other at a glance. Yet given that he considers that keeping proprietary manners for their own social standings would help secure the fundamental social order, which is of supreme importance to him, it makes sense. Next, the most problematic issues about Seongjung and Yiphu are the timing when one can declare the 'absence of the patriarch' and the manner how one substitutes oneself for the absent patriarch. Seongho sees that it is one thing to 'inherit the Jongtong' and it is another to 'become a next patriarch'. Basically, he does not separate the problem of Jongtong by one's social standings. The real situation involved can be different based on one's social standing, he readily acknowledges. Yet, 'the unchangeable ethical principle between the father and the son' would prevail over the same regardless of classes, he insists. This attitude of his is in line with his philosophy of proprieties and his practical guidance that proposes 'Seoin-Garyea' with an appeal to establish fundamental social order based on the practice of proper manners in accordance of one's social standing as he philosophizes the rules of Jongtong on the base of the one penetrating principle.

• 재활복지
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.221-244
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• 2013

This study made an exploratory verification targeting severely-disabled persons on how self-determination right and empowerment of the factors organizing independent living affect community relation and productivity of the disabled. For the foregoing, this study collected data for about 2months from May through July 2012 targeting the disabled using Center for Independent Living and the Center for Human Right of the Disabled. As a result of research, this study revealed First, the level of self-determination right of the disabled differed meaningfully depending on the variables such as age, academic ability, existence of spouse, receiving pension, monthly income, residential type, time of occurrence of disability and disability rating, and in the level of empowerment, it showed a meaningful difference according to the factors like academic ability and disability rating. Second, the level of formation of community relation differed meaningfully according to the variables such as age, academic ability, existence of spouse, residential type, time of occurrence of disability, disability rating etc., and the level of productivity showed a meaningful difference according to the variables such as academic ability, existence of spouse, receiving pension, monthly income, multiple disabilities, disability rating etc. Third, as a result of investigation on the effect of self-determination right and empowerment of the disabled on their community relation, both self-determination right and empowerment turned out to have a meaningful and positive (+) effect on the community relation of the disabled. Fourth, as a result of investigation on the effect of self-determination right and empowerment of the disabled on their productivity, this study found that only the variable of empowerment exercises a meaningful and positive (+) influence on the productivity of the disabled. Therefore, self-determination right and empowerment are considered an important variable for enabling them to enjoy independent living in the future by strengthening community relation and productivity of the disabled. For this, it is required to fulfill social welfare and recognize the significance of self-determination right and empowerment in the process of rehabilitation, and develop as well as revitalize a variety of programs related to the above.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.38
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• pp.65-101
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• 2018

In the late Joseon Dynasty, patriarchal ideology became central to the family and the clan, and once again became acutely felt with "the familism of clan rules that centered around a legitimate and eldest son." The establishment of the family-clan system, though somewhat complex, was largely aimed at the family line of "a paternalist-a legitimate and eldest son." The trend was not limited to a particular family, but rather, was a historical and social trend. Changseonggameirok showed how to solve the family crisis by setting up a problem for the next generation's patriarch. This paper tries to explain the issue of Hwachun's complex as the legitimate and eldest son complex. First, it suggests that Hwachun's complex is as universal as the Cain complex, also known as the eldest son complex, and that Hwachun's complex is a special instance of the legitimate and eldest son complex in Changseonggameirok. Next this paper studies the aspects of Hwachun's legitimate and eldest son complex combined with Mrs. Sim's complex, as well as her daughter-in-law's complex, and eventually tracks the development of the family-clan complex. As a result, we've come to a new conclusion that the legitimate and eldest son complex was found in Changseonggameirok for the first time in Korean literary history. This paper also examines the fact that when the legitimate and eldest son complex was transferred to Hwajin, it became a family complex that Hwajin had to contend with; this paper tracks the process wherein Hwajin's filial piety solved the legitimate and eldest son complex. As a result, we realized that Hwajin's filial duty and brotherly love went beyond his feelings for Mrs. Sim and Hwachun, and supported the substantiation for "the familism of a clan that is based on rules of the legitimate and eldest son" in the course of public opinion. However the familism of these rules was not embodied in the absolute; in the royal family, for example, it was rather flexibly implemented when the characters admitted to breaking the law. In addition, this paper provides the room for a critical reading of Changseonggameirok, reflecting back on the underlying guilt and psychological pain of the characters who are affected by the particular rules, and concluding that guilt and suffering are fundamentally insoluble. This is because the two ideas, "the legitimate and eldest son complex" and "the familism of a clan rules centered on a legitimate and eldest son" are two sides of the same coin.