• 제목/요약/키워드: Hot Working

검색결과 321건 처리시간 0.032초

알칼리금속 열전기변환장치의 접합과 출력성능 (Joining and Performance of Alkali Metal Thermal-to-electric Converter (AMTEC))

  • 서민수;이욱현;우상국
    • 대한기계학회논문집A
    • /
    • 제41권7호
    • /
    • pp.665-671
    • /
    • 2017
  • 알칼리금속을 이용한 열전기변환장치(Alkali-Metal Thermal-to-electric Converter)는 열을 전기로 직접 변환하는 기술이다. AMTEC 기술은 기존 에너지기술 대비 고효율성과 고밀도성을 지니는 정적 에너지 변환 장치로서 이론 발전효율이 40%로 높고 단위발전량이 500 W/kg, $2.01W/cm^2$로 우수하다. AMTEC의 작동원리는 작동유체인 소듐이 분압차이에 의해서 고체전해질인 베타알루미나(BASE)의 내부에서 외부로 이온화를 거쳐며 통과하는데, 이때 전자를 주고 받으며 전기를 생성한다. BASE내외부의 분압차 형성을 위해서는 고온내구성과 기밀성이 높은 접합기술이 요구된다. 개발된 접합기술을 이용하여BASE/절연부/금속부 시스템의 안정적인 전기적/구조적 시스템을 구성하고 멀티-셀 모듈들을 제작하여 개방회로 전압과 전류-전압특성을 측정하는 방법으로 AMTEC 모듈전지들의 출력성능과 수명을 평가하였다.

백화점 종사자의 식행동과 건강상태에 관한 조사 (A Study on Dietary Behavior and Health Condition of Employees at Department Stores)

  • 김혜경;김진희;박영숙
    • 대한지역사회영양학회지
    • /
    • 제13권3호
    • /
    • pp.374-385
    • /
    • 2008
  • A study has been performed to provide the basic information about the current dietary habits, health related behaviors, and body indices and to bring forward the importance of this information to the people's attention based upon the relation between employee's life patterns and health conditions in their daily lives. Three hundred and five department store workers were examined from August 2006 to September 2006. With the average BMI values $23.9{\pm}2.2$ for males and $20.0{\pm}1.9$ for females, both gender groups were in normal, but 62.2% of the males were overweight and 15.4% of the females were under-weight. Regarding dietary and health related factors on how they perceive themselves, as normal were 204 (66.9%) the most and bad and very bad were respectively 43 (14.1%) and 5 (1.6%). Half of the subjects (43.2%) perceived sleeping hours to be insufficient, and 64.4% of them need to exercise regularly. As problems related to eating habits, they reported irregular meal times, overeating, preference of hot and spicy food, skipping meal, unbalanced meals. Regarding weight control they have attempted were the most (73.0%), after weight reduction, 51.2% of the subjects had side effects, such as gastrointestinal troubles, anemia, dizziness, sense of fatigue, constipation, physiological disorder, and diarrhea, etc. In the food habit score, it was shown that overall average score of the subjects was $62.63{\pm}9.86$ which is lower than other studies. Female ($62.76{\pm}10.15$) had better score than male ($61.67{\pm}8.06$). While the item with the highest point was eat all three meals of the day, that was the lowest point, exercise every day. The food habit score of the younger group had lower than older group, and also they preferred sweet foods to other group. The results suggest that nutrition education for workers at specific working fields needs to be more focused on the improvement of dietary habits and health status of workers.

열처리 장비의 Safety를 위한 딥러닝 기반 영상처리 시스템 (Image Processing System based on Deep Learning for Safety of Heat Treatment Equipment)

  • 이정훈;이로운;홍승택;김영곤
    • 한국인터넷방송통신학회논문지
    • /
    • 제20권6호
    • /
    • pp.77-83
    • /
    • 2020
  • 열처리 시설은 뿌리산업 중에서 고열에 의한 열악한 환경과 긴 근로시간 등으로 원격 IOT 시스템의 적용 범위가 확대되는 상황이다. 이러한 열처리 공정 환경에서 IOT 미들웨어는 사물인터넷 기기(센서 등)의 데이터 정보를 해석하고 관리하며 제어할 수 있는 중추적 역할이 요구된다. 그간 열처리 원격에서 제어하는 시스템은 현장 상황에 대한 전반적 감시 없이 작업자의 일괄 시스템 명령으로 운영되었다. 하지만 열처리 시설의 안전성과 정밀한 제어를 위해서는 다양한 센서 컨트롤과 주변 작업환경 인지가 필요하다. 본 논문에서 제시한 열처리 안전지원 시스템은 그에 대한 해결책으로 열화상 감지를 통해 열처리로의 작업인력 접근을 파악하고 원격에서 작업 가동 시 열처리 장비의 Safety를 위한 지원시스템을 제안하였다. 또한 일반적인 고정된 열점 감시 기반 열화상 분석보다 더욱 빠르고 정확한 인식을 위해 DNN 딥러닝 네트워크를 활용한 OPEN CV 기반 열화상 분석 시스템을 구성하였다. 이를 통해 열처리 산업에 특성화된 안전관리 지원과 향후 열처리 환경에서 범용적으로 활용 할 수 있는 시스템을 제안하고자 한다.

Measurement and analysis of tractor emission during plow tillage operation

  • Jun-Ho Lee;Hyeon-Ho Jeon;Seung-Min Baek;Seung-Yun Baek;Wan-Soo Kim;Yong-Joo Kim;Ryu-Gap Lim
    • 농업과학연구
    • /
    • 제50권3호
    • /
    • pp.383-394
    • /
    • 2023
  • In Korea, the U.S. Tier-4 Final emission standards have been applied to agricultural machinery since 2015. This study was conducted to analyze the emission characteristics of agricultural tractors during plow tillage operations using PEMS (portable emissions measurement systems). The tractor working speed was set as M2 (5.95 km/h) and M3 (7.60 km/h), which was the most used gear stage during plow tillage operation. An engine idling test was conducted before the plow tillage operation was conducted because the level of emissions differed depending on the temperature of the engine (cold and hot states). The estimated level of emissions for the regular area (660 m2), which was the typical area of cultivation, was based on an implement width of 2.15 m and distance from the work area of 2.2 m. As a result, average emission of CO (carbon monoxide), THC (total hydrocarbons), NOx (nitric oxides), and PM (particulate matter) were approximately 6.17×10-2, 3.36×10-4, 2.01×10-4, and 6.85×10-6 g/s, respectively. Based on the regular area, the total emission of CO, THC, NOx, and PM was 2.62, 3.76×10-2, 1.63, and 2.59×10-4 g, respectively. The results of total emission during plow tillage were compared to Tier 4 emission regulation limits. Tier 4 emission regulation limits means maximum value of the emission per consumption power (g/kWh), calculated as ratio of the emission and consumption power. Therefore, the total emission was converted to the emission per power using the rated power of the tractor. The emission per power was found to be satisfied below Tier 4 emission regulation limits for each emission gas. It is necessary to measure data by applying various test modes in the future and utilize them to calculate emission because the emission depends on various variables such as measurement environment and test mode.

온실설비 작동용 태양광발전시스템의 발전 성능 분석 (Power Generating Performance of Photovoltaic Power System for Greenhouse Equipment Operation)

  • 윤용철;배용한;유영선;이성현;서원명
    • 생물환경조절학회지
    • /
    • 제18권3호
    • /
    • pp.177-184
    • /
    • 2009
  • 본 연구는 온실 운영에 필요한 전력량을 확보함으로서 온실경영비 절감을 목적으로 우선 태양광발전시스템을 온실의 인접한 건물의 옥상에 설치하여 기상상태에 따른 발전량을 실험적으로 검토하였다. 연구결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 실험기간 동안 최고, 평균 및 최저온도는 각각 $0.4{\sim}34.1,\;-6.1{\sim}22.2$$-14.1{\sim}16.7^{\circ}C$ 정도의 범위에 있었다. 그리고 일사량의 경우, 최대, 평균 및 최저값은 각각 $28.8MJ{\cdot}m^{-2}$, $14.9MJ{\cdot}m^{-2}$$0.6MJ{\cdot}m^{-2}$ 정도였고, 전력은 일사량에 비례해서 증가하지 않고 약 750W 전후에서 거의 일정한 것을 알 수 있었다. 일일 최대, 평균 및 최소 소비전력량은 각각 약 5.2kWh, 2.5kWh및 0kWh정도였다. 본 실험에 사용된 시스템의 평균 소비전력량을 기준으로 보면, 온풍기의 용량 및 작동시간이 작은 경우는 충분하지만 큰 경우는 부족한 것으로 나타났다. 온풍기의 용량이 큰 경우, 어레이 면적이 현재의 약 3배인 약 $21m^2$ 정도이면 평균 전력량으로 충분할 것으로 판단되었다. 물론 어레이의 온도가 높아지는 한 여름철에는 일사량에 비례해서 발생 전력이 증가하지 않은 것으로 나타났지만, 현재까지 실험결과로 보면, 두 인자간에 상관계수가 0.84 정도로 상관관계가 높은 것으로 나타났다.

황제내경(黃帝內經)에 보이는 한(汗)관련 서술(敍述)의 특징(特徵)에 대한 고찰(考察) (A Study on the Characteristics of Descriptions of the Perspiration in "Hwangjenaegyeong(黃帝內經)")

  • 유정아;장우창;백유상;정창현
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
    • /
    • 제23권2호
    • /
    • pp.205-223
    • /
    • 2010
  • In Korean Traditional Medicine(abbreviated to K.T.M.), hyperhidrosis and anhidrosis are the targets of the medical treatment. Furthermore sweating appearance is also one of the important symptoms which explain a particular situation of the patient in K.T.M. And at "Sanghanron(傷寒論)" which is a traditional chief clinical bible written by Jang Gi(張機) later Han dynasty(漢代) in China made full use of the various kinds of diaphoresis[汗法] as a main medical treatment with purgation therapy[下法] and emetic therapy[吐法]. So the sweat in itself not only is the disease, but also is one of the symptoms explain a disease pattern. This thesis inquires into "Hwangjenaegyeong(黃帝內經)" referring to sweat which is the origin of recognition to the sweat in K.T.M. Some theses similar to this research had been made progresses and already reported, but most of them have classified the contents into biology, pathology, diagnosis, treatment after the model of western medical theory. In the aspect of comparative studying with other literature and clinic practical using, we found characteristics of referring to sweat in "Hwangjenaegyeong(黃帝內經)". And we classify the characteristics into some categories as follows. 1. There are some terms which make a title including sweat and symbolize the characteristics, for example sweat of soul[魄汗], sweat of death[絶汗], sweat of streaming[灌汗], sweat of weakness[白汗], sweat of sleep[寢汗], sweat of bright and heat[炅汗], sweat of kidney[腎汗], sweat of escaping[漉汗], cold sweat[寒汗], sweat on the head[頭汗], hyperhidrosis[多汗], heavy sweat[大汗]. But there aren't spontaneous sweat[自汗] or sweat like a thief[盜汗] which are the normal terms referring to sweat in history of K.T.M. And there are several descriptions about sweat appearance such as sweating in half of body[汗出偏沮], sweating in the rear end and thigh and knee[汗出尻陰股膝], hyperhidrosis in the neck and aversion to wind[頸多汗惡風], hyperhidrosis in the head and face and aversion to wind[頭面多汗惡風], cannot stopping the sweating under head[頭以下汗出不可止], make a person sweat to one's feet[令汗出至足], sweating like escaping[漯漯然汗出], sweating like soaking[汗出如浴], sweating become moist[汗出溱溱], hardly escaping sweat[汗大泄], escaping sweating[漉漉之汗], sweat moisten the pores [汗濡玄府], ceaseless sweating like pouring[汗注不休] sweating like pouring and vexation[汗注煩心], damp with sweat[汗汗然], sweating spontaneously[汗且自出], removal of fever with sweat drying[熱去汗稀]. That can be divided into sweat region and sweat form. 2. There are detailed explanations of the principle of perspirations caused by hot weather, hot food, hard working and meeting damp pathogen. 3. There are some explanations of the principle of removing fever due to the excessive heat from internal and external body through sweating by replenishing the body fluid. And many descriptions about overcoming the febrile disease by dropping temperature through sweating and many diaphoresis for curing. 4. There are some descriptions about five Jang organs perspirations and attachment of five mucous body fluid to five Jang organs. 5. There are pathogenic progresses after sweating affected by the Six Atmospheric Influences and water. And detailed explanations of disease mechanism a sweat leading to another disease. 6. There are descriptions about various sweat absent situations.

우리나라 옷에 대한 현대인(現代人)의 의식(意識)과 춘용실태(春用實態)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) - 서울 지역(地域)을 중심(中心)으로 - (A Study on Modern People's Consciousness and Wearing Practice of Korean Costumes)

  • 황춘섭
    • 복식
    • /
    • 제1권
    • /
    • pp.119-129
    • /
    • 1977
  • It is significant for developing the future for us to know our present age. In order to preserve our Korean costume as a fola clothes retaining our distinguished independent characterisitics and to help design the tomorrow of our Korean costume playing a role as a racial to develop the world clothing culture, a survey was conducted to investigate modern people's conscious-ness and wearing practumes of Korean costume by questionaire and interviewing methods. The results of the survey were analyzed as follows: (1) At present, Korean costumes were purchased as customtailored(64.0%) and as ready-made(17.8%) and most of them were not made at individual homes. The laundry and ironing of them were carried out at laundry shops(68.8%). Considering our present economic, social and cultural aspects, sowing, laundryand ironing will not be carried out at homes again in the future and ready made costumes seen to be produced in a large scale in the future. Garment makers and laundry shop operators should be trained how to make our Korean costumes retain our traditional beauty in the course of their production and laundry and the makers of ready-made costumes must make research how to efficiently produce ideal ready-made costumes by adopting the synchro system in their wrk odisivion. (2) The age group wearing Korean costumes most frequently was the aged people over 60 (their wearing rate; 45%-50%) and the group wearing them most frequently next io the aged people over 60, was housewives(their wearing rate; 15%-20%). Excludign aged people and housewives, other respondentsdid not wear Korean costumes very frequently. Men's wearing rate was lower their wearing rate was the younger their ages were and the less their monthly incomes were. Korean costumes were used for holiday and festival(60%), wedding and funeral ceremonies (52%), visiting and working(22%), casual wear(12.8%) and home wear(9.2%). The use of Korean costumes as casual and home wears, was lower than the use for holday, festival, visiting and working, Under our present circumstances in which our Korean people use both Western style clothes and Korean costumer, our Korean costume has lostits position as a basic and necessary requiement in Korean people's daily life and become a ceremonical and fancy costume. It is natural that the times and life change everything in our daily life. Our costume has to be made as good ceremonial and fancy clothes satisfying modern sensibility according to its new role. In order for us to get close with our clothes, a keen study must be carried out to cleat the color, material, style, function and harmony of the Korean costume matching the of the times. (3) The 47.8% of the respondents answered that they were proud of our Korean costume as our folk clothes, 47.6% replied that thought them just common and 1.1% responded that they were ashamed of it. Most of them were affirmative in feeling pride with our Korean costume. (4) Considering the functional aspect of Korean costumes, their strong points were symetric beauty, rhythmical beauty, unity feeling, harmonical beauty and detailed decorations. Their common shortcomings were lack of individuality and inadequateness for active life. The shortcomings of woman costumes were suppressing breast, making resperation difficult and in adequnteness in summer time. The main reason not to wear our Korean costumes, was due to the fact that they are incomvenient for active life. As a measure to eliminate such shortcomings, 1) the suspension system of skirt to remove the suppression of breast should be generally adopted. 2) they should be simplified in their structure to make them convenient for active life and adepuate in wearing them in hot weather in an extent to which the traditional beauty of the costume may not be lostand 3) a new technique must be explored for showing individuality by wearing method and new arrangment of colors and decorations. (5) The reasons desiring to wear Korean costumes were classifide as follows: A. Korean costumes are our traditional clothes(43.4%). B. Korean costumes are noble and beautiful(26.8%). C. They are accustomed to wear Korean costumes by habit(19.5%). D. Korean costumes are necessary for attending ceremoneis(9.5%). E. Miscellaneous reasons(0.8%). Classifying these reasons into age groups, the high age group over 40 wore them because they were easy to wear by habit and the low age group of 10-30 never thought that they were east to wear by habit. Considering that even those who were accustomed to wear Korean costumes showed a low wearing rate and that the young generation were accustomed to wear Western style clothes rather than Korean costumes, the wearing rate of Korean costumes will be reduced in the future if such trend continues. It is urgent for us to make our best efforts in order to enhance the interest of young generation in Korean costumes and not to make them lose the strong points of Korean costume in the future. (6) Conicering the plan of the respondents on what kind of clothes they were going to wear in the future, among the age group over 50, those who wanted to wear only Korean costumes were 24.8%(men) and 35.1%(women), those who wanted to wear 49.7%(men) and 47.4(women), those who wanted to wear chiefly Western style clothes were 20.7% (men) and 14.4%(women) and those who wanted to wear only Western style clothes, were 2.4% (men) and 2.1%(women). This shows that the general tendency to wear only or chiefly Korean costumes is more prevalent than that to wear only Western style. Among the age group under 50, the tendency to wear Western style clothes was conspicuous and most of the respondent answered that they would wear chiefly Western style clothes and Korean costumes occasionally. Only 5.4% of the respondent answered that they would wear only Western style clothes and this shows that meny respondents still wonted to wear Korean costumes. Those who wanted their descendants to wear what they desire, were 50.1%(men) and 68.8% (women) and those who wanted their descendants to wear Koran costumes occasionally, were 85.8%(men) and 86.3%(women). This shows that most of respondents wanted their descendants to wear Korean costumes. In order to realize, it is necessory for us to make ourdescendants recognize the preciousness of our traditional culture and modify our Korean costumes according to their taste so that they may like wearing them.

  • PDF

한국전통옹기의 통기성에 관한연구 (Study about porous of Korean traditional pottery)

  • 김석호
    • 조형예술학연구
    • /
    • 제9권
    • /
    • pp.5-24
    • /
    • 2006
  • 인류가 살아남기 위해서 수렵과 채취를 하는 동안 저장을 위해 자연스럽게 생겨 난 그릇은 위대한 발명이었다. 현대에 와서 사회의 변화와 과학의 발달로 자연의 순수한 재료로 만들어지던 그릇과 각종 저장용기들이 플라스틱과 철이라는 새로운 재료들로 만들어져 생활의 편리함을 안겨주었다. 하지만 심각하게 늘어나는 환경문제로 인해 인류는 자연으로의 회귀를 추구하려는 경향들이 생겨났다. 그 대표적인 트렌드가 웰빙(well-being)이라고 할 수 있는데 이것은 결국 과학문명이 발달하기 전 우리선조들이 추구해왔던 삶으로 돌아가려는 것이라고 볼 수 있다. 우리선조들은 자연과 더불어 삶을 살았고 자연에 순응하면서 살았다. 집을 지을때도 자연의 일부로서 집을 짓고 자연과 닮은 집을 지었다. 사계절을 지내기 위해 음식을 저장하는 방법을 연구하여 집안 곳곳에 저장창고와 저장용기를 배치하였다. 현재를 살아가는 한국 사람들은 집집마다 냉장고에 김치를 보관한다. 하지만 조상들은 자연을 이용한 저장방법을 연구해 시와 때에 맞춰 음식을 먹을 수 있도록 했다. 웰빙 열풍과 함께 한국의 음식이 세계화 되고 있고, 그에 따라 선조들의 지혜에 대한 관심도 점점 증가하고 있다. 김치의 세계화로 김치를 저장했던 용기에 대한 관심이 그 예라고 할 수 있다. 본 연구는 예부터 발전해온 도기의 일종인 옹기의 발전사를 문헌을 통해 알아보고 과학적인 실험을 통해 선조들의 지혜가 담긴 옹기의 특성을 연구함으로서 옹기 장점과 필요성을 알리고 더 나아가 옹기의 특성을 활용한 친환경적인 기물의 개발에 힘쓰도록 유도함에 그 목적이 있다.론으로 재해석할 수 있는 민족적 표현임을 알 수 있다.다. 이러한 배경 아래 키키스미스의 작품 세계를 고찰하기 위해, 신체를 통해 의미의 지평이 열리는 객관적 방법을 모색한 결과, 기호학과 신체론에 대한 고찰이 필요하다는 사실을 인식하게 되었다. 즉 신체를 객관화하여 가장 기초적인 수준에서 표현적인 부분과 내용적인 부분을 구조적으로 나누어 그 관계에 의해 의미가 발생하게 되는 과정을 기호와 텍스트의 개념에서 시작하였다. 나아가 이 표현면과 내용면의 구조적인 결합방식을 그레마스(A. J. Greimas)의 구조의미론에서 다룸으로써 의미의 확장을 위한 토대론적 작업을 구축하였다. 한편, 신체론에서는 세계와의 관계항으로서 신체를 조망하게 해준 메를로-퐁티(Maurice Merleau-Ponty)의 현상학(Phenomenology)과 애브젝션(abjection)의 개념을 통해 해체와 파편의 신체를 전달하게 해준 줄리아 크리스테바(Julia Kristeva)의 논의가 구조의미론적 분석을 해석으로 확장시키는 데 중요한 기여를 하였다. 키키 스미스는 1980년대 중반 죽음에 대한 서사에서 시작된 이중화와 파편화의 신체로부터 상처받을 수 있는 신체의 비천함이 구체적으로 드러난 1990년대 그리고 상처의 치유에 이르는 종교와 신화로 이어지는 2000년대 이후의 과정을 보여주었다.을 알 수 있었다. 따라서 향후 부작용은 증가시키지 않으면서 국소제어율을 향상시키기 위한 노력이 필요하다. 것을 사료된다./Cip1}(-)/p27^{kip1}(-)$인 경우는 미만형인 경우(87.0%)가 장형(54.9%)

  • PDF

상동광산(上東鑛山) 지질광상(地質鑛床) 조사보고(調査報告) (Preliminary Report on the Geology of Sangdong Scheelite Mine)

  • 김옥준;박희인
    • 자원환경지질
    • /
    • 제3권1호
    • /
    • pp.25-34
    • /
    • 1970
  • Very few articles are available on geologic structure and genesis of Sangdong scheelite-deposits in spite of the fact that the mine is one of the leading tungsten producer in the world. Sangdong scheelite deposits, embedded in Myobong slate of Cambrian age at the southem limb of the Hambaek syncline which strikes $N70{\sim}80^{\circ}W$ and dips $15{\sim}30^{\circ}$ northeast, comprise six parallel veins in coincide with the bedding plane of Myobong formation, namely four footwall veins, a main vein, and a hangingwall vein. Four footwall veins are discontinuous and diminish both directions in short distance and were worked at near surface in old time. Hangingwall vein is emplaced in brecciated zone in contact plane of Myobong slate and overlying Pungchon limestone bed of Cambrian age and has not been worked until recent. The main vein, presently working, continues more than 1,500 m in both strike and dip sides and has a thickness varying 3.5 to 5 m. Characteristic is the distinct zonal arrangement of the main vein along strike side which gives a clue to the genesis of the deposits. The zones symmetrically arranged in both sides from center are, in order of center to both margins, muscovite-biotite-quartz zone, biotite-hornblende-quartz zone and garnet-diopside zone. The zones grade into each other with no boundary, and minable part of the vein streches in the former two zones extending roughly 1,000 m in strike side and over 1,100 m in dip side to which mining is underway at present. The quartz in both muscovite-biotite-quartz and biotite-hornblende-quartz zones is not network type of later intrusion, but the primary constituent of the special type of rock that forms the main vein. The minable zone has been enriched several times by numerous quartz veins along post-mineral fractures in the vein which carry scheelite, molybdenite, bismuthinite, fluorite and other sulfide minerals. These quartz veins varying from few centimeter to few tens of centimeter in width are roughly parallel to the main vein although few of them are diagonal, and distributed in rich zones not beyond the vein into both walls and garnet-diopside zone. Ore grade ranges from 1.5~2.5% $WO_3$ in center zone to less than 0.5% in garnet-diopside zone at margin, biotite-hornblende-quartz zone being inbetween in garde. The grade is, in general, proportional to the content of primary quartz. Judging from regional structure in mid-central parts of South Korea, Hambaek syncline was formed by the disturbance at the end of Triassic period with which bedding thrust and accompanied feather cracks in footwall side were created in Myobong slate and brecciated zone in contact plane between Myobong slate and Pungchon limestone. These fractures acted as a pathway of hot solution from interior which was in turn differentiated in situ to form deposit of the main vein with zonal arrangement. The footwall veins were developed along feather cracks accompanied with the main thrust by intrusion of biotite-hornblende-quartz vein and the hangingwall vein in shear zone along contact plane by replacement. The main vein thus formed was enriched at later stage by hydrothermal solutions now represented by quartz veins. The main mineralization and subsequent hydrothermal enrichments had probably taken place in post-Triassic to pre-Cretaceous periods. The veins were slightly displaced by post-mineral faults which cross diagonally the vein. This hypothesis differs from those done by previous workers who postulated that the deposits were formed by pyrometasomatic to contact replacement of the intercalated thin limestone bed in Myobong slate at the end of Cretaceous period.

  • PDF

일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구 (A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan)

  • 박현국;김기욱
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
    • /
    • 제20권4호
    • /
    • pp.211-250
    • /
    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

  • PDF