• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.160-175
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• 2013

There is the need to make a sharp distinction as regards JANGSEUNGs (Korean traditional totem poles) that are different in origin, history and function. This study is to identify the functions of the figures, as well as to trace stone JANGSEUNGs to their origins. In this regard, researched were conducted into the origins of JANGSEUNGs and their changes in history. There was a tradition in the GORYEO Dynasty (an ancient dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) that it erected JANGSAENGs (the archaic name of JANGSEUNGs) or allied stone figures within temples; especially, 'TONGDOSA GUKJANGSAENG SEOKPYO (a stone JANGSAENG that was erected by the royal command and is at the entrance of TONGDO Temple located in YANGSAN, South GYEONGSANG Province, South Korea)' functions as a stone monument rather than as a stone sign. In the engraved inscription, it is written that it should be erected in the form of PANA as before. 'PANA' refers to 'ZHONGKUI', a god in Chinese Taoism believed to exorcise devils that spread diseases. The inscription is to define the territory of TONGDO Temple. The article on HAN JUN GYEOM in a book 'WORAKGI (a travelogue on WORAK Mountain in North CHUNGCHEONG Province, South Korea)' written by HEO MOK makes it possible to guess the scale of GUKJANGSAENGs erected in DOGAP Temple. The stones, on which 'GUKJANGSAENG' or 'HWANGJANGSAENG' were engraved, are not JANGSAENGs but are demarcation posts. In the JOSEON Dynasty (the last dynasty in the Korean Peninsula) JANGSAENGs functioned as signposts. Unlike JANGSAENGs in temples, they were made of wood. At first, the word 'JANGSAENG' was written '長生' in Chinese characters, but in the JOSEON Dynasty another character '木 (wood)' was added to them, and thus the orthography was likely to change into 'JANGSEUNG.' In the JOSEON Dynasty, in addition, optative or geomantic figures were not called 'JANGSEUNG.' Historically, for instance, there has been no case where 'DOL HARBANGs (stone figures found only in JEJU ISLAND, South Korea)' are called 'JANGSEUNG.' In a book 'TAMRA GINYEON (a historical record on JEJU Island, South Korea)' it is written that KIM MONG GYU, JEJU governor, erected ONGJUNG Stones outside the fortress gate. ONGJUNG Stones usually refer to stone statues erected in front of ancient kings or dignitaries' mausoleums. Moreover, they were geomantic figures erected to suppress miasma. A magazine 'GWANGJUEUPJI (a journal on old GWANGJU, South Korea, 1899)' shows that two two ONGJUNG Stones were so erected that they might look at each other to suppress miasma from a pathway through which lucks lose. On the two stone figures located in BUAN-EUP, North JEOLLA Province, South Korea, inscriptions 'SANGWON JUJANGGUN' and 'HAWON DANGJANGGUN' were engraved. The words are to identify the figures' sexes. They are a kind of optative geomantic figures, and therefore there is no reason to call them 'JANGSAENG' or 'JANGSEUNG' or 'DANGSAN.' The words 'SANGWON' and 'HAWON' are closely associated with Taoism. Since then, the words have been widely used as inscriptions on stone figures in temples, and subsequently are used for JANGSEUNGs. A hatted ONGJUNG Stone, found in BUKANSAN Fortress, disappeared and other ones may be being buried somewhere. Meanwhile, ONGJUNG Stones in JEJU Island and stone figures in BUAN-EUP have hardly been displaced and thus have properly functioned. Stone figures, made in those days, seem to be most similar in function to JANGSAENGs made during the GORYEO Dynasty. Specifically, like earlier JANGSAENGs, stone figures made during the early to mid-18th century were likely to function not only as optative figures but as boundary stones. Most of stone figures in temples were made whenever the land use survey was conducted throughout the nation, but given that at the same period of time, the commonalty filed many lawsuits against grave sites, temples might erect many stone figures to mark their territories. Currently, wooden or stone figures are commonly called 'JANGSEUNG', but they were erected in different epochs and for different reasons. Their origins are to be sought in stone figures that functioned not only as optative figures in temples but as boundary stones during the GORYEO Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.67-77
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• 2015

The purpose of this paper is to draw historic valuable resources to conserve through the analysis about the preservation status of historic urban environment in Suwon Hwaseong Fortress. As for the conservation of urban environment, it is important to protect the resources showing historical continuity and to manage the resources remaining characteristics of place, the analysis of the preservation status is focused on the perspective of preservation of physical form and land use. This paper makes progress through three phases. First, in order to understand urban environment in Hwaseong Fortress overall, it compares land registration original map in 1911 to current map in 2014 by the four items of topography, water environment, streets and sites. Next, changes of four items in urban environment have been reviewed further by the research of maps, relative literatures, field survey and interview, and are classified according to the criteria of preservation-partially preservation-disappearance. After analysing preservation status, valuable urban historic cultural resources are drawn separately by being preserved continually and by being preserved partially but remaining characteristics of place. As a result, natural factors of topography and waterway and urban factor of streets are remained considerably preserved. And even if these factors are changed, the ground environment features support to understand historic urban context. Second, as preservation of topography, water environment, streets and sites are closely related to each other, integrated conservation frameworks are needed to enhance urban historic landscape. Third, modern historic resources in Hwaseong are remained unchanged and thus it is necessary to understand urban historic environment by the layers of various times besides Joseon Dynasty period. Fourth, historic sites and streets which had been preserved through urban development process are destroyed by recent historic cultural restoration policies, therefore urban historic resources worthy of conservation should be treated prudently.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.2
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• pp.1-9
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• 2011

This study concerns the Baekje Traditional Garden, one of the open spaces in the Lotte Resort in the Baekje Historical Reappearance Complex, which is part of the comprehensive plan for specific areas in the Baekje cultural area. The Baekje Traditional Garden has historic value, and its excellent garden style influenced the ancient Japanese gardens. This study dealt with three issues: (1) The context in which Lotte Buyeo Resort accepted the Baekje Traditional Garden, particularly the background and process of such; (2) The original form of the Baekje Traditional Garden; and (3) How the Baekje Traditional Garden should be represented in the open space of the resort. Representation is accomplished in two ways: using the structure of the original garden and in the borrowing of elements. For representation using the structure of the original garden, Imrugak was used as the main entrance space, and Wolsunjung was represented from the Ganbuklee remains. In the rear garden are wave watercourses and other garden facilities of the Wanggungri site in Iksan. Borrowing of elements, on the other hand, was accomplished in the plant plan and detailed development. In addition, mountaintops (three mountains and five mountain summits), a clean stream between mountains, and a pine forest are visualized in the garden. This is the representative landscape of the Taoist hermit world that appeared in the Baekje Gilt Bronze Incense Burner and Landscape pattern. The significance of this study is twofold. First, the Baekje Traditional Garden is a fresh trail because there has been no previous research concerning it. Second, while past research concerning traditional spaces focused on the results of representation, this study focused on the process of representation. This means that this research work tried to extend the study concerning the representation of traditional spaces from the conceptual to the practical approach. This study, however, also has its limitations. The authenticity of the representation suggested in this study may be questioned later because efforts have been made to preserve the original Baekje Traditional Garden. In addition, this study should seek a balance between authenticity on one hand and amusement and diversity of experience on the other, because the site is a resort.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.3
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• pp.111-120
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• 2012

This study regards a series of achievement on Wonlim(Garden) Cultural Properties Excavation Project, led by field of landscape architecture. It will mainly describe excavation results of Gwiam(龜巖: Turtle rock) and historical value of it in terms of Nakseojae(樂書齋) restoration in Bogil-do Yun,Seondo Wonlim(Scenic Sites, No.34). Gwiam(Turtle rock) was found 14.6m apart from the north of Nakseojae, and it covered with 10~15m topsoil tilted toward Nakseojae, The size of Gwiam, which was Granite, was 360cm length, 270cm width, 95cm high. The Edge of Gwiam's North west part was of triangular shape forming Turtle head. The back of the Turtle head was form of Tortoise-shell because of wide backboard with both side groove. The southeast part of Gwiam projected was Turtle's tail. This Granite was obvious Turtle shape artificially made, and there are less likely to relocate from place to place. This Turtle-shaped Gwiam is important landmark for Nakseojae, which is one of the four spiritual creatures written in Bogildoji(甫吉島識) and Gosanyugo(孤山遺稿) by Yunwi. According to Bogildoji, it is estimated that Gwiam were on the axis with Soeunbyung(小隱屛), Nakseojae and was buried when Yiguan(Gosan's grandson) reconstructed a building. Also, it was place for enjoying the moon. But, Even after three times excavation in Nakseojae, there was no way to identify further information regarding Gwiam, so it was a matter of mystification. As a result of this study, Gwiam is laid bare to light in at least 260 years, so it is good example for boosting importance of landscape architecture field and restoring Nakseojae. Furthermore, firm base-soil was discovered in 135m high Rock Mass below, so natural ground of Nakseojae can be estimated by this basis. To be conclusion, Preservation Process for Gwiam and Estimation Space through interpretation of four spiritual creatures(四靈) in Gosan's Poetry should be continue.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.241-260
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• 1995

The Maori's traditional clothing materials, basic forms of dress, and the pattern and technique of tatoo were examined in the present study in order to deepen the appreciation of the cultural heritage of the Maori. The research method employed was the analysis of written materials. And a fild-trip was also made for the study. The study was limitted to the traditional culture of body adornment of the Maori including the clothing which is preserved and practicing by them at the present day, and the origin and the process of the historical development of those are not included in the scope of the present study. Followings are the results of the study: (1) By far the most widely used fiber for Maori clothing is abtained from what is commonly called New Zealand Flax. The fiber of kiekie(Freycinetia baueriana) and cabbage trees(Cordyline spp.) may also be used. The strong, long-lasting fiber of toi(cordyline indivisa) is used for a prestige warrior's cloak. Flat strips of ti kauka(Cordyline australi) are also used as thatch on rain cloaks. (2) Regardless of technique used, Maori weaving is always worked horizontally from left to right. Traditionally the work was suspended between two upright turuturu or weaving sticks. As the work progressed a second pair of uprights was used to keep the work off the ground. These uprights were moved forward as required. Because the weaver sat on the ground, the working edge was kept at a height that was comfortable to reach. No weaving tools are used, the wefts(aho) being manipulated by the fingers. The two main Maori weaving techniques are whatu aho patahi(single-pair twining) and whatu aho rua(double-pair twining). (3) The Maori wore two basic garments - a waist met and a cloak. The cloth of commoners were of plain manufacture, while those of people of rank were superior, sometimes being decorated with feather or dyed tags and decorated borders. Children ran more-or-less naked until puberty, being dressed only for special events. Some working dress consisted of nothing more than belts with leaves thrust under them. Chiefs and commoners usually went barefoot, using rough sandals on journeys over rough country (4) The adornment of men and women of rank was an important matter of tribal concern as it was in chiefly persons that prestige of the group was centred, The durable items of Maori persons adornment were either worn or carried. Ornaments of various kinds were draped about the neck or suspended from pierced earlobes. Combs decorated the head. Personal decorations not only enhanced the appearance of men and women, but many had protective magical function. The most evident personal ornament was the hei-tiki made of jade or other material. Maori weapons were treasured by their owners. They served on bottle and were also personal regalia. A man of rank was not fully dressed without a weapon in hand. Also weapons were essential to effective oratory. (5) No man or woman of rank went without some tattoo adornment except in extremely rare instances when a person was too sacred to have any blood shed. The untattooed were marked as beeing commoners of no social standing. This indelible mark of rank was begun, with appropriate rite and ritual, at puberty. And tattoo marked the person as being of a marriageable age. Maori tattoo was unlike most traditional tattoo in that its main line were 'engraved' on the face with deep cuts made by miniature bone chisels. The fill-in areas were not tattooed with cuts but with the multiple pricks of small bone 'combs' that only lightly penetrated the skin surface. The instrument of tattoo consisted of small pots of pumice or wood into which was placed a wetted black pigment made from burnt kauri gum, burnt vegetable caterpillars or other sooty materials. A bird bone chisel or comb set at right angles on a short wooden handle was dipped into the gigment, that a rod or stick was used to tap head of this miniature adze, causing penetration of the skin surface. Black pigment lodged under the skin took on a bluish tinge. A full made facial tattoo consisted of major spirals with smaller spirals on each side of the nose and sweeping curved lines radiating out from between the brows over the forehead and from the nose to the chin. The major patterns were cut deep, while the secondary koru patterns were lightly pricked into the skin.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.32-48
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• 2022

This study analyzed the construction pattern and historical reality of Gwallamji Pond(觀纜池) in the rear garden of Changdeokgung Palace(昌德宮), which has been received as distorted information and has not received sufficient attention. The main topics consisted of the construction period and reorganization in the pond garden, changes in the installed wooden bridge, the existence of the berthing facility, and whether the plan shape was deformed. The main results of this study can be summarized as follows. First, the Gwallamji Pond was already completed before the Gapsin Coup, which occurred in the year of King Gojong. Since then, the Gwallamji Pond area, including the surrounding facilities, has been neglected for a while and was extensively renovated in the early 1900s. It is difficult to find a clear basis for the suspension and resumption of the Gwallamji Pond construction proposed in the previous discussion. Second, three types of wooden bridges with different shapes and structures were installed sequentially in the Gwallamji Pond. In particular, the second wooden bridge, which installed after the maintenance of the Gwallamji Pond, is judged to be the pontoon bridge depicted in Donggweoldohyeong(東闕圖形), and the railing of the bridge was decorated to symbolize the imperial family of the Korean Empire. The third wooden bridge, which appeared intensively in Japanese colonial era, was a Japanese-style bridge. Third, a berth facility for boarding and disembarking existed on the eastern shore of the Gwallamji Pond. The berth facility is also described in Donggweoldohyeong and it remained until the Japanese colonial period. However, as the maintenance work of the Gwallamji Pond was carried out several times after liberation, the berth facility was gradually damaged, and there are no traces left now. Fourth, The Gwallamji Pond was originally constructed in a planar shape of the Korean Peninsula similar to the present. It is necessary to reconsider the conventional theory that the Gwallamji Pond, made in the shape of a gored-shaped bottle, was renovated in the shape of the Korean Peninsula in Japanese colonial era. Even when the term Pandoji Pond(半島池) first appeared, there was no view that the Japanese intentionally modified the Gwallamji Pond.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.278-305
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• 2024

Gelatin dry plate photographs dating to the Japanese colonial era and the official documents from the Japanese Government-General of Korea Museum in the collection of the National Museum of Korea are significant materials documenting cultural heritage in North Korea before it was severely damaged in 1950 during the Korean War. There has been an increase in recent years in studies of Buddhist sculptures in North Korea based on these photographs and documents. This paper presents some new comments on the Buddhist sculptures at Seongbulsa Temple in Hwangju, one of the most famous temples in Hwanghae-do Province, based on the related existing research outcomes. This paper aims to facilitate a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist sculptures at Seongbulsa Temple by chronicling its history based on historical records, examining its current status, and exploring in detail the production dates and backgrounds of the Buddhist sculptures featured on gelatin dry plates. Prior to Korea's liberation from Japan in 1945, Seongbulsa housed at least seven sculptural items: two Bodhisattva statues, four Buddha statues, and a triad. Two items are from the early Goryeo period, one is from the late Goryeo period, three are from the early Joseon period, and one is from the late Joseon period. Among them, two surviving items are noteworthy. One is the early Goryeo-era Stone Seated Bhaishajyaguru Buddha photographed in Eungjinjeon Hall at Seongbulsa Temple. A close examination of a schematic drawing of the sculpture's pedestal made at the time it was photographed reveals that its material accords with the materials used for the headless Stone Seated Bhaishajyaguru Buddha and pedestal currently found in the old Sangwonam Hermitage site in the Inner Geumgang Valley of Jeongbangsan Mountain. This accordance could mean that the statue is a new significant example of early Goryeo Buddhist sculpture in North Korea. The other notable sculpture is the Gilt-bronze Seated Amitabha Buddha Triad created in 1454 (the second year of the reign of King Danjong) and discovered in Geungnakjeon Hall at Seongbulsa. This statue is currently in the collection of the Sariwon History Museum in Hwanghae-do Province. It is an important example of a dated small gilt-bronze Buddhist statue from the early Joseon period found in North Korea. This paper is a case study of Buddhist sculptures in North Korea, focusing on Seongbulsa Temple. Further utilization of the National Museum of Korea's gelatin dry plates will contribute to developing the study of the history of Korean Buddhist sculpture.