• Journal of architectural history
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.17-26
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• 2020

The planning acumen led by the crown prince stands out during the banquets that were held continually during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung around the late Joseon period from 1827 to 1929. If we examine the changes in banquet space during the period that Crown Prince Hyomyung ruled by proxy, the Jagyeongjeon(慈慶殿) in Changgyeonggung Palace, which was built during the time of King Jeongjo was repaired after the in 1827 during the reign of the crown prince and appeared in its changed form in Muja Jinjakin 1828. It is believed that the Jagyeongjeonwas expanded and repaired during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung to conduct banquets for important guests. Jagyeongjeon which was repaired during the crown prince's reign, is a space where banquets were continuously held during the three years that he reigned, and we can see that it is an important space for royalty where the authority of King Sunjo, Queen Sunwon, and Crown Prince Hyomyung was reflected. Yeongyeongdan(演慶堂) was a structure built in 1828, which is after the period when the Jagyeongjeonwas changed in 1827, and it is a space that emerged during the reign of the crown prince. Hwanchwijeong(環翠亭), which was constructed during the time of King Seongjong was changed after 1827 during the reign of Crown Prince Hyomyung and appeared in its changed form in Muja Jinjakin 1828. Hwanchwijeongwas the place where the Crown Prince Hyomyung stayed and planned banquets and it was repaired along with Jagyeongjeonin 1827. During his reign, the political intent of the crown prince was reflected not in superficial political spaces but in spaces where banquets were held and accordingly the main spaces for banquets and their related royal palace locations were changed or newly established. You need to briefly explain what this and Muja Jinjak are. New information is not provided in this paragraph. You have already established why the crown prince renovated the banquets and its significance in the first two paragraphs. You could just add "Jagyeongjeon(慈慶殿), Yeongyeongdan(演慶堂), and Hwanchwijeong(環翠亭) in Changgyeonggung Palace during his reign were changed and renovated during the time when the royal banquets of the 19th century were getting established. It was spaces that reflected the royal family and royal authority" to the end of the second paragraph and it would convey your intended meaning.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.210-227
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• 2006

Many historians presume that several kings included the crown prince were killed by poison in the Jo-Soon dynasty. Above all, there is every possibility of killing the crown prince So-Hyoon(昭顯) by poison. The crown prince So-Hyeon was detained for 8 years in Sim-Yang(瀋陽). He died suddenly in two month from coming home. According to an authentic record, official death causes were malaria. But there is little possibility that a young crown prince die of malaria at the age of 34. His dead body shows change of skin color and bleeding from the ear, eye, mouth, and nose. This is the sufficient evidence that he was killed by poison. King In-Jo have a doubt that he was ousted from his post by crown prince So-Hyeon in conspiracy with cheong imperial court. Especially, after the crown prince So-Hyeon's death, owing to cold attitude that king In-Jo shows and a tragic affair that occurred to the crown prince's family, king In-Jo is under suspicion as the mastermind of the murder. Another poisoners are Jo-So Yong(趙昭容) and Lee-Hyeong Ik(李聲益). Jo-So Yong, a royal harem, intrigue against the couple of crown prince So-Hyoon. Lee-Hyeong Ik that win king In-Jo's favor take charge of the medical treatment. We supposed that toxic substance is arsenic poison.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.69-86
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• 2020

Haenghaeng Ilgi (Diary of a Royal Trip) (koo 7152; hereafter Ilgi) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea provides an account of Crown Prince Sado's incognito royal visit to Pyeongyang in the fourth month of 1761. Ilgi was written by Ham Daeil, a low-ranking military officer in Pyeongyang. Ham was singled out for praise by Crown Prince Sado (1735-1762) and served the prince from the seventh day of the fourth month to the first day of the fifth month. Ilgi documented the deeds of Crown Prince Sado during this period and provides detailed information on his incognito visit to Pyeongyang, which was not officially recorded. Ilgi shows characteristics differentiating it from many other diaries. For example, the quality of the paper, neat handwriting, and well-organized sentences differ from those of common diaries. These distinctions indicate that Ilgi is closer to an official document than a private diary written by an individual. Since Ilgi records Crown Prince Sado's incognito visit to Pyeongyang, is only vaguely known otherwise, its contents need to be examined in terms of whether or not they are fully factual. As the first step in such verification, It is traced that Ham Daeil's family history which turned out to match what is written in Ilgi. Moreover, Ilgi mentions about Prince Crown Sado's writing a piece of calligraphy, and a matching piece of calligraphy written by Sado still survives today. It can be confirmed that the contents of Ilgi are factual in at least these regards. However, although Crown Prince Sado was known to have met people from various social classes during his visit to Pyeongyang, Ilgi focuses only on Crown Prince Sado and Ham Daeil. This suggests the possibility that the surviving version of Ilgi may be an edited condensation based on original texts containing more complete information on Crown Prince Sado's visit. Ilgi is presumed to have been produced during the generation of Ham Jeonghui, a son of Ham Daeil. The dates of birth and death of Ham Daeil fall during the reign of King Yeongjo. It is unlikely that any records regarding Crown Prince Sado would have been published while King Yeongjo, who was hostile to Sado, ruled the country. Ilgi also provides strong evidence that Ham Jeonghui presented the subsequent king, King Jeongjo, with the calligraphy by Crown Prince Sado and the diary. It is unclear if the book Ham Jeonghui presented him was the same as the extant version of Ilgi. Nonetheless, considering the situation at the time when King Jeongjo was pursuing several projects to honor his father Sado, it is highly probable that Ilgi was produced during the reign of King Jeongjo. The periods of presenting the calligraphy and the diary respectively overlapped with the production of Hyeollyungwon, the royal tomb of Crown Prince Sado, and Sado's sixtieth birthday. Therefore, is it considered reasonable that Ham Jeonghui produced Ilgi to promote his own social ambitions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.188-207
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• 2013

This study looks at the costumes for the crown prince based on the Hyomyeong of 1817, a collection of the National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage. The picture of School Entrance Ceremony of the Crown Prince (王世子入學圖) does not have the crown prince in the scene. However, it can be verified through literature that there are three different costumes for the ceremony. Chulgungui(出宮儀), the ceremony's first procedure, describes the departure of the prince crown from his residence toward Sungkyunkwan (成均館) with his escorting officials. The Crown Prince wears Seoyeonbok (書筵服) during this event. When the Crown Prince arrives at Sungkyunkwan, he participates in a series of ceremonies that consist of Jackhunui (酌獻儀), Wangbokui (往復儀), Supeiui (脩弊儀), and Ipackui (入學儀). At that time, he wears a confucian scholar's uniform. After returning from Sungkyunkwan, he attends Suhaui (受賀儀), the final procedure of the Crown Prince's School Entrance, at Simindang (詩敏堂) of Changgyong Palace(昌慶宮), At this time, the price crown wears Wonyukwanbok (遠遊冠服) as he is congratulated by royal family members and high ranking officials for his entrance to Sungkyunkwan in this ceremony. This point hereby concludes this study on the historical costumes for the prince crown based on the Hyomyeong Crown Prince's School Entrance in 1817.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.26 no.6
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• pp.67-76
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• 2017

Royal banquets under the reign of King Sunjo saw developments in the playacting stage, which exhibited characteristics unique to the transitionary period between Jeongjo and Gojong this period established the framework of the Joseon Dynasty's playacting stage construction. Starting with the Jagyeongjeon-Hall banquet and continuing into the Year of the Golden Rat banquet, the next-day banquet by the Crown Prince demonstrates a renewed format, with the stage also changing accordingly. This change was substantiated by more assertive use of the Red Blind and gabjang. Previously, the Red Blind has been installed in the palace hall and around the royal courtyard, to form three sides, but as next-day banquets became more frequent under Sunjo, the Red Blind developed and came to be installed in accordance with the hierarchy within the royal family. In the Year of the Golden Rat banquet, the Red Blind was lifted and the throne of the crown prince was situated in the palace hall. In the banquet of the following year, however, the Red Blind was let down and the crown prince's throne was placed outside, in palace court yard. This seems to have been a gesture to reorient the crown prince's political standing and restore Sunjo's sovereignty the following year. Hence, the installation of the Red Blind developed in accordance with the royal hierarchy and ranks under Sunjo's reign. The gabjang provided the second layer of protection for the playacting stage. The hongjeongju gabjang surrounded the stage in multiple layers and served as a partition. The gabjang from the Year of the Golden Bull banquet, in particular, boasted a unique installation, where it dangled from both sides of the royal palace's facade. Hongjeongju gabjang, lapis lazuli gabjang, red gabjang, and yellow curtains were installed in the stated order to reflect Sunjo's 40th birthday as well as the 30-year anniversary of his coronation. The Red Blind and gabjang from Sunjo's years were positioned in creative ways to reinstate the royal authority, and demonstrated many improvements from those of Jeongjo's reign.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.61-69
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• 2016

This study was performed to examine the clinical discussion records where Lee Gong-yoon, participated in Royal treatment at Joseon Dynasty, was involved. Lee Gong-yoon who scouted from the outside had participated in the medical center of the Royal Family for several years as a royal doctor. But he preferred aggressive prescriptions and behaved indiscreet. Eventually, he was exiled when Kyung-Jong who was the 20th king of the Joseon Dynasty died. He was harshly criticized until the year crown prince ascended the throne following Kyung-Jong. But some officials started to defend him since March of the next year. They recognized Lee Gong-yoon's aggressive prescriptions and indiscreet behavior. But mentioned that some very aggressive prescriptions didn't come from his own idea. After they proved their insistence true, his place of exile was changed from island to outland. Different from other doctors who focused on patients' 元气 ($yu{\acute{a}}nq{\grave{i}}$), Lee Gong-yoon focused on removing patients' symptoms when he decided to cure a disease. And also he had considerable insight of "醫學入門 ($y{\bar{i}}xu{\acute{e}}r{\grave{u}}m{\acute{e}}n$)". Despite of his high degree of medical knowledge, unconventional character and behavior made the end of his life unfortunate.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.5
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• pp.113-140
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• 1981

"Jung Ri Eui Kwae" is the book, illustrated and recorded with court coutesy and manners during the King, Jung Jo's honoured coming to his own father's royal tomb "Hyun Ryung Won" of Sa Do Seh Ja(The Crown Prince to be mourned) with his own mother Hae Kyung Koong Mrs. Hong. According to this book, we can see the costumes and its ornaments of the civil and military officials and also of Yu Ryung(the maden court musician) and Dong Ki (a young Kisaeng girl) during serving at Bong Soo Dang bangquet celebrating his own mother's 60th birthday anniversary. It is interesting to review once more the royal ceremonies representing the portion of the costumes and its ornaments in the 18th century of the Yi Dynasty, Yung-Jung Jo era that is to be thought the reform period in almost every field of social system.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.41-53
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• 2013

In this paper, King Kyung-Jong's strange diseases which had been exacerbated by the Sinim-Sahwa(辛壬士禍) are researched and discussed. The subject will be described mostly based on health and medical records from "The Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of Chosun Dynasty(承政院日記)" and "The Annals of the Choson Dynasty(朝鮮王朝實錄)". Sinim-Sahwa had occurred for two years. It is thought that the beginning of it was 'a controversy on a proclamation of a crown prince, Yeon Ing Goon'. At the first year of Kyung-Jong's ruling, August 21, the No-Ron demanded a king's heir be decided as soon as possible, the king asked Yeon Ing Goon as his successor because of his 'strange diseases'. In October of the same year, the conflict between No-Ron and So-Ron parties reached its peak after a dispute about 'regency from behind the veil for the crown prince' at that time. Kyung-jong added that he had a mysterious and heavy disease and there was little hope to recover from it. Some opposing courtiers emphasized the king was in his good health and there weren't any actual diseases he suffered. But Kyung-Jong stubbornly persisted the diseases he had were so heavy that he couldn't get well readily. In detail, he announced his disease had so deeply rooted in internal organs that he could feel some kind of heat and fire arousal form his heart, then rage and resent soaring. Eventually, on 16th, the No-Ron party followed the king's demand, thus the king's health and illness condition itself was gradually getting off the subject. It seems that Kyung-jong's strange diseases was hwa-byung(火病). His symtoms are similar to the symtoms of hwa-byung. Environment he lived, was enough to cause hwa-byung. as a result, Sinim-Sahwa was the event what his hwa(火) was erupted.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.379-412
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• 2009

According to "Jinjak-yigwe(進爵儀軌)", a special banquet was held at Yungyungdang(演慶堂, a kind of royal theatre) to celebrate the 40th birthday of Queen Soonwon(純元王后) in 1828. This banquet is famous for the presentation of nineteen new Jungjae(呈才) repertoires that the Crown Prince Hyomyung(孝明) created. In order to explore the theoretical basis for the reproduction and presentation of Yungyungdang(演慶堂) Jinjak(進爵, a type of royal banquets), in this article, the imagination and experience of the presentation of Yungyungdang Jinjak are pursued, while focussing on audience's reception. In Yungyungdang Jinjak, King Soonjo(純祖), Queen Soonwon and the prince were the special audience; they participated in the procedure of Ye(禮, etiquette of ceremony) and also were considered as the characters of certain repertoire of Jungjae. Hyomyung arranged the spectacles from the myths of Taoist gods and immortal hermits, as well as historic episodes of the past emperors' elegant tastes of music. These mythic and historic images lead the audience toward the imagination and experience on the transcendental world. Hyomyung, managing the administration as the representative of King Soonjo, tried to show absolute royal authority through the splendid performances of Yungyungdang Jinjak, so as to overcome the politicaly difficult situation. He set up the sacred world for his father King Soonjo, distinct from the secular ordinary world, and emphasized his position as the bridge between the two sides. He expressed his filial duty through the devotion of performing arts to display absolute royal authority.