• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.28 no.6
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• pp.858-874
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• 2020

This study attempts to analyze the social and cultural meanings of the ethnic groups to which different types of shamans belong in Siberia from the appearance characteristics in terms of clothing through Roland Barthes's semiotic theory. The research method here is to analyze three types of shaman costume classified by Holmberg, which are bird-type, deer-type, and bear-type, through theoretical research and to investigate the analysis process of Roland Barthes's semiotics theory. Roland Barthes's approach to semiotics presents an analysis model that can explore the sociocultural meaning of the Siberian shaman costume. The research results are as follows. In the first type, to be closer to the god of the upperworld, shamans transform themselves into birds by decorating their costumes with the characteristic elements of birds such as feathers and wings. In the second type, the shamans' costumes are made of deerskin, and the headdress is shown in the shape of antlers to make it easier to receive messages from the upperworld and run fast in the underworld. In the third type, the shaman's costume is made of bearskin, the head is covered with bearskin, and the body is decorated with bear pendants. Through the power of the bear, the shaman is sent to the underworld to defeat evil gods and remove diseases. Shamans can show their particularity of being a demigod and non-binary gender through clothing. They use this to reflect their authority as a medium of communication between man and god.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.44-65
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• 2018

This study examined the costumes of the characters in the painting titled Hig yongru Banghwoedo, which was designated as National Treasure No. 1879 in September 2015, and is currently kept in the Dongguk University Museum. The painting depicts a social gathering of Joseon aristocrats held at the higyongru, or watch tower, of the Gwangjumok, a government office, in 1567. It is characterized by the delicate illustration of the government officials, the main characters of the gathering, and the hyangri, ajeon, najang, chorye, akgong, and yeogi, the lower-class employees of the office. In order to investigate the costumes they wore, diverse materials including literature, costume artifacts, and paintings were used as reference sources. The scope of the study was limited to the characters' headdress and gown, and the accessories attached to the former. The study of men's clothing revealed that officials wore a samo and a red dalryeong as basic attire. In addition, it is presumed that they wore a belt indicating their official rank in the hierarchy, and a pair of black shoes. Retired officials wore a heuklip wrapped in horsehair or silk fabric with a red jing-nyeong and a doah. The hyangri wore a heukjukbanglip on their head, as well as a white jing-nyeong and a belted doah. In the Goryeo period, the banglip was a type of official headdress worn by members of the aristocratic elite ranked immediately below the king, but in Joseon it was demoted as the official headgear of the hyangri class, which was confirmed through Higyongru Banghwoedo. The ajeon wore a heuklip on their head, and a white jing-nyeong and a doah at the waist. As a rule, the najang wore a chogun on the head, and a banbieui on cheolrik and chungmokdai, but the najang in Higyongru Banghwoedo are depicted wearing a chogun and a cheolrik without a banbieui. Also, the chorye wore a heuklip wrapped in hemp cloth with a red cheolrik, whereas the akgong wore a somoja and a red cheolrik. Female entertainers, both adults and children, are depicted in the painting as either serving the aristocrats, dancing, or playing a musical instrument, wearing their hair in a voluminous, round, high bun, and dressed in a red daiyo, a hwangjangsam with a straight or reclined collar, and a belt. Notably, the donggi, i.e. young gisaeng, are shown wearing their hair in two short braids, and ddressed in a red gown with a y-shaped collar, or po.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-75
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• 1998

The Miaos who is the minority people mainly living in the southwestern part of China, expressed their indicator and solidarity through the costume in order to maintain their racial character while experiencing numerous adversities over thousands of years, where the costume has served as a source of cohesion as well as a primitive religious thought, and also showed their faith, desire, longing and aspiration. This study examined the Miao's traditional costume by classifying it into the following; hair style, headdress, upper and lower garments, and other costume. And the silver ornaments used for attire and their symbolic meaning were examined. The result of the study is summarized as follows. 1. The reason that types of the costume has been diversified is because there was promise of ancestors who intended to differently express the type of a kind as symbol of the racial branch that is the Miao's special type of society. Thus, the costume type could tell where a tribe live. Another reason is because only marriage between families with different surname but the same type of costume was accepted. 2. As women made and wore the costume themselves, it also served as a means of being proud of their skill or wealth, they tried to make it more beautiful and it was also used as a token of marriage or love between relatively enlightened men and women. 3. The design used on the costume was expressed as a symbolic meaning of indicator to strengthen the racial solidarity because it connoted worship to ancestors who had experienced lots of adversities. 4. The hair style was expressed in various styles by using Kache such as Chukye, Byunbal and Kokye. It is likely that ornaments used on the head of women in the form of cow's horn or silver crown were used as one of the methods to stress the valuableness of the cattle that were essential to agricultural life. In addition, various styles of turbans were used to indicate the respective regions. 5. Cock's feather ornaments or silver ornaments in the form of pheasant's feather on the edge of women's skirts, peasant's feathers that men wore on their head, or Baekjoui and men wore resulted from the Miaos' thought of adoration for birds, which implied a primitive religious meaning. 6. As the region where the Miaos live yields much silver, the silver ornaments were mostly used to be proud of wealth, which symbolized light and pureness.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.6
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• pp.121-143
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• 1982

Many studies have done on Egyptian Clothing because its unique characteristic culture. However, I was facinated by the exhibitions of Tutankhamen burial treasures which were shown in San Francisco and New York in 1978 and 1979. I found out myself that there are several interesting aspects of clothing to compare 18th dynasty king, Tutankhamun and other dynasties in Egyptian culture. Therefore, I tryed to analized the Egyptian clothing including accessaries with theigr symbols durin 18th dynasty King, Tutankhamun. The most of people were shocked and amazed when they toured the exhibition of Tutankhamun articles which were the most incredible burial treasures in existence today. The body of the King has been embalmed, bandaged and fitted in eight layers of coffins with pure gold mask to represent the god Osiris. Among eight layers of coffins, one is pure solid gold in mummiform, two of mummiforms are made of compact wood covered with sheets of gold and inlaid with multi-colored glass-paste and semi-precious stones. The Egyptian belived that the soul continued to exist throughout eternity if it had passed on examination of its deeds on earth at a "Last Judgement" presided over by Osiris. They also believed that the mummified body could exist in the tomb as a habitation that the soul could revisited. Thus a proper burial was vital for a full existence in the hereafter. They buried dead person in the sealed vault of the tomb with some of the possessions he had used during his life time, such as his furniture, clothing and jewels. In this studies, I've tried to research to various clothings, and accessories with their symbols used during 18th dynasty king, Tutankhamun. The studies are shown as: I) Clothings of Tutankhamun dynasity of Kalasiris, Sheath skirt. Gala skirt, Loin skirt, Hike and Dalmatic. The Dalmatic was first seen in this dynasty. Probably the Roman Christian borrowed the Dalmatica from Egyptian Dalmatic. No where has the same design at the period. II) Egyptian of 18th dynasty Tutankhamun wore big headdress, broad collar necklace passium, pendants, armlets, rings and earrings with very beautiful, exquisite handcraft. They seem the first people who wore earrings in Egyptian history. III) The symbols of decorated items vulture, lotus...Upper Egypt Uraeus, papyrus...Lower Egypt scaravaeus, Nile Riber...rebirth man(Ankh), +...eternal life solar disc, gold...sun ostrich-feather...nobleness God, Horus' eye...protection against enemy IV) Also Egyptian prefered the straight line and a right angle which were the basic principles of architectural arrangement.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.38
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• pp.83-100
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• 1998

The purpose of this study is to figure out how stage costume of Peking Opera communicates what the character wants to inform to spectator. The stage costume means the clothing, shoes, headdress, accessory that the cast is worn for communicating personality of character. Stage costume not only reveals the character of new spirit who the director and the work is like to create, but also makes the style of play harmonizing with the atmosphere of the work. So, the stage costume in the play is a sort of symbol system that forms the depth of play. The stage costume of Peking Opera was formed on the basis of the Chinese traditional stage costume in the Qing period, however the style of stage costume was beautified the costume of Ming period and here contained the factors of successive costumes. But the stage costume of Peking Opera don't have the same rank system with real history costume and don't have demarcation according to period and history. Only it is that transformed and created the real history costume with Chinese fine view and made how they wear Chinese fine view and made how they wear the costume according to position, age, personality of character in the play. In the stage costume of Peking Opera, the color is cultural language that director can communicate to spectators and can inform spectator of sex, age, personality, position of the character. The color of the stage costume of Peking Opera reflects the principles of Yin and Yang and the five elements of the Chinese cosmogony. The pattern of decoration also makes the personality and characteristic of the character. The dragon pattern symbols the authority and majesty, so only the character of high position can use it. The pattern of tiger and leopard symbols bravery, so the military officer can use it. Civil officer decorates with the pattern of Japanese apricot, orchid, chrysanthmum, bamboo that symbols integrity and honor. The stage costume of Peking Opera communicates the identity of character with the special form of costume. Kanjien is a costume of the young priestess, Houyi is the Sunwukong'costume. Chayi is a costume of boatman. Lingzi, Sweixiu, Kaoqi is the props for the foramtive effect of stage costume, also they play an important part in expressing the emotion situation. In the result of study, we could know that the form, color, pattern of the stage costume and props of Peking Opera play important parts in communicating informations that let spectator can understand the play. So, the stage costume of Peking Opera is an‘picturizing costume’that the form, color, pattern of the stage costume is a sort of symbol system. It makes spectator feels actually the viewing Peking Opera.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.39
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• pp.113-123
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• 1998

This study focuses on the effects of the clothes worn by kisaeng; courtesans trained in singing and dancing, on changes in female psychology as reflected in general women's fashions during the later years of the Chosun dynasty. During this period, the social order had broken down considerable, due in part to the introduction of Roman Catholicism, and in part to the actions of Sil-hak, who emphasized open-ness and practicality in the organization of social affairs. This freer social environment disrup-ted the established social hierarchies. The kisaeng were among the first to respond to the new social mores by adopting more colorful, sensual, and individualized fashions. Their social position allowed them to reflect the new aesthetics of the time right away. Those aesthetics seemed to lay great emphasis on the artistic effects of contrast. The kisaeng would adorn their heads with large Kache (an elaborate wig or hairdo typically reserved for use by women in full formal dress). In contrast to this conspicuous hairstyle, they typically wore very tight-fitting Jogori (short-cropped Korean traditional jackets for women) around their upper torsos. The long skirts emerging from beneath these short jackets would typically flare out dramatically, with the aid of petticoats. However, these skirts would be bound at the waist with a sash, increasing the sexual suggestiveness of the clothing by drawing at-tention to the hips, and by exposing the bottom frills of the petticoats, or the wide pantal-oons and other undergarments the kisaeng wore to add volume to their skirts. The relative freedom enjoyed by the kisaeng to experiment with new fashions was not widely shared by most women. This generated envy from women of the noble classes, who were more bound by convention, and restrained from adopting such a mode of dress. It also generated envy from women of the humble classes, who saw the kisaeng as working little for their wealth, and yet dressing every day in finery that the average women would only ever be able to afford on her wedding day. This envy directed at the relative freedom/wealth of the kisaeng by women who faced greater socioeconomic constraints was given cultural expression through the adoption of elements of the kisaeng's fashion in the fashions of both noblewomen and humble women in old korea. The luxurious Kache sported by the kisaeng had in fact been borrowed from the habitual attire of upper-class women. So to distinguish themeselves from the kisaeng, they began to abandon these elaborate hairstyles in favor of traditional ceremonial hoods (Nel-ul-a thin black women's hood) and coronets (Suegaechima). This supposed reaction to the abuse of the Kache by the kisaeng still remained influenced by the kisaeng still remained influence by the kisaeng, however, as these headdresses became adorned with many more jewels and decorations, in imitation of the kisaeng's adaptations of the coronet. At the same time, noblewomen began sporting the Jangwue ; a headdress previously worn only by kisaeng and lower class women, and lower class women were then permitted to wear the Kache at weddings. All women behan to wear shorter, tighter Jogori jackets, and to add volume to their skirts. They also attached frills to their under-garments in imitation of the kisaeng's exposed petticoats and pantaloons. The impact of kisaeng fashions was thus deep and widespread, and can be understood as an expression of women's longing for freedom from socioeconomic constraints in the late Chosun dynasty. This study adopts an interdisciplinary ap-proach to the understanding of historical changes in women's fashions. Such interdisciplinary work can greatly enrich the study of fashion, often narrowly focused on clothing morphology and broad generalizations about society. For this reason, specific dynamics of feminine psychology in the late Chosun dynasty were elaborated in this study, to provide a deeper under-standing of the changes in fashion underpinned by them. If more such detailed analyses are undertaken, a whole new understanding of changes in fashion can be generated, and perhaps a transformation of the field of fashion history can be ultimately achieved.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.7
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• pp.5-19
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• 1983

Sacredotal robe(法服) means full court dress. We can't know about the shape of sacredotal robe before Dae-Han Empire(大韓帝國) since there are no remains of it. The study of sacredotal robe for queen have also been made centering around the socredotal robe granted from Ming(明) dynasty and the system of Juck-Eui(翟衣) in Dae-Han Empire. In this thesis I tried to study about the sacredotal robe for queen from King Gong-Min(恭愍王) of Koryeo(高麗) dynasty to the close the Cho-Sun(朝鮮) dynasty by investigating the Literature of Cho-sun Dynasty Chronicles(朝鮮王朝實錄), Ga Rae Do Gam Eui Gue(嘉禮都監儀軌), Sang Bang Jung Rae(尙方定例), Gook Hon Jung Rae(國婚定例), Sok-Orae Eui-Bo(續五禮儀補), and Dae Myung Whe Jeon(大明會典). The first documents on sacredotal robe for queen is regarded as that in the period of King Gong Min., which says that Chil Whee Gu Bong Gwan and Juck Eui of the 9th grade had been given from Ming dynasty. The sacredotal robe for queen in Chosun had been granted from Ming dynasty since the 3th years of King Tae-Jo(太祖) to the 3th years of King In-Jo(仁祖). They were Ju Chui Chil Juck Gwan, red Dae Sam(大衫), Bae Ja(褙子) embroidered with. pheasants on blue silk, and ivory flat baton (笏), which belonged to the court dress for the first class of court lady. When Qing(淸) dynasty succeeded to Ming dynasty, Cho-sun adopted the system of luck Eui which had it's origin in the system of Ming, denying to comply with Chung. But as a matter of fact, the system of sacredotal robe for queen actually used was one which were different from the dress system of Ming and converted into our national ways. In the latter period. of Cho-sun, the system of Bae Ja or Juck Eui were used together until the period of King Young Jo(英祖), and the system of Juck Eui which was written in Gook Hon Jung Rae was continually used from King Young Jo to the close of Cho-sun. It was composed of Juck Eui, Beol Eui(別衣), Nae Eui(內衣), Pe Sool(蔽膝), Dae Dae(大帶), HaPi, Sang(裳), Ok Dae(玉帶), Pae Ok(佩玉), Gue(圭), Mal(襪), Suk, and Myun sa(面紗), The headdress was used in our own ways, not complying with Juck Gwan(翟冠). The color of Juck Eui was red for queen, deep blue for the consort of the crown prince. The color of Juck Eui in DaHan Empire was deep blue, different from that of Juck Eui in Cho-sun. Bo(補) for queen wus embroidered with dragon with five claws and the one for the consort of crown prince with dragon with four claws. The back length of Juck Eui was longer than front about 28cm (1尺), and the front opening was straight down. 51 motifs of a brace of pheasants which were similiar to Bong(鳳) were embroidered on Juck Eui for queen. But we can't find out whether there 31 or 51 on Juck Eui for the consort of the crown prince. The system shows independant aspects, because there are Bo, Myun Sa, Sang, Ha Pi, Beol Eui, and Nae Eui which were not found in the system of Ming. As mentioned above, I have studied on the sacredotal robe for queen. But we can't guess the detail of sacredotal robe for queen, because there are no remains at all. Therefore I expect more study on this.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.