• Acta Via Serica
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.37-60
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• 2021

Before the tenth century, the dress of elite women in and around China often reflected "Han" Chinese fashions and preferences. In funerary paintings and relief sculptures of Sogdian and Xianbei couples from the sixth century, for example, women wear "Han" Chinese-style clothing. Even in the Tang dynasty (ca. 618-907), when exchange with Central Asia via overland Silk Road trade impacted the styles and patterning of elite dress and men incorporated clear Central Asian attributes into their dress, elite women in the Tang sphere wore recognizably Tang fashions. Chinese-style dress in these centuries clearly conveyed cultural import and, likely, political power, especially after the founding of the Tang dynasty. However, the straightforward borrowing of Tang women's dress shifted in the Khitan Liao dynasty (ca. 907-1125). The Liao, in contrast to other states that shared a border with China in previous centuries, saw themselves as political equals to the Song dynasty (ca. 960-1278) court in the south. The Liao court was interested in Song customs and culture and incorporated artistic motifs and practices from the Song court. However, the Liao courtly idiom was never fully subsumed into the greater world of the Song - rather, the Liao used facets of Song courtly culture for their own ends. One way this is manifested is through the dual administrative system, a bureaucratic organization that, among other things, regulated and distinguished between who was permitted to wear Khitan and non-Khitan dress. In this paper, I will examine the material evidence from funerary contexts for how the dress of elite Liao women both engaged with the dress of the Song, while also maintaining a certain amount of cultural autonomy. Through their dress, elite Liao women signaled clear messages about their status, identity, and difference to their Song counterparts.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제17권6호
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• pp.45-65
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• 2008

Hoe-amsa temple was renewed by Zen priest Na-ong(1320-76) in the later Goryeo dynasty(918-1392), and he introduced the institution of Zen Buddhism temple of Yuan dynasty(1271-1368) in China. And in 13-14 century, many Zen Buddhism temple were built in east Asia, like China, Japan, Korea and so on. Hoe-amsa temple became to be ruined in the middle years of Joseon dynasty(1392-1910), and the ruin was excavated recently. The purpose of this study is to make a searching examination the history of Hoe-amsa temple by analyzing the historic records and excavation relics, and to clarify the function of Jeongcheong, east Bang-jang and west Bang-jang of Hoe-amsa temple, by comparative analysis with Bang-jang architecture of Zen Buddhism temple of Yuan dynasty. As the result of this study it can be said like follow. Hoe-amsa temple maintained the form made by priest Na-ong in spite of several times of repair in Joseon dynasty, and it was reflected in excavation relics of now. The Jeongcheon of Hoe-amsa temple was the space called Chimdang where the chief priest performed lectures and ceremony, the west Bang-jang was the living space of chief priest, and the east Bang-jang was lodging for honored guest. The architecture composed by Jeongcheong, east Bang-jang and west Bang-jang was the adaptation of institution of Bang-jang architecture of Zen Buddhism temple in Yuan dynasty, on the base of general architecture form of Goryeo dynasty.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제4권3호
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• pp.395-406
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• 1996

This article aims, by analyzing structurally the codification of dress sign in Korean society, the signifying system of the codes and their message communicated, to make clear a signifying structure that would be codified through the relationship between abstract concepts and real condition of dress. I used the semiotic theory of Ferdinand de Saussure′s conception on structuralismly the codification, cultural semiology of Roland Barthes and Myung-Sook Han′s formula of dress structure as tools analyse may objective of wedding dress of folks in Choson Dynasty, which has been successive our traditional Korean wedding dress. My results of the study are : The procedure of wedding ceremony in Choson Dynasty was presented in texts like Juga-garye, Sarye-peonram and Kukjo-orye, its dress system has been more emphasized on language, and aspect of social system, than parole, one of individual realization. In addition, the meanings of marrage such as "Oneness of bride and bridegroom", "Mixture of two sexes", "Blessing of good luck", were included in the signified like the style, pattern and color of the wedding dress, and specially, pattern and color, the articulated morphemes, was emphasized, When we combinated terms of dress in Choson Dynasty with syntagmatic, regarding their list as paradigmatic, it will signify a wedding dress, and according to combinating ways, it amy be divided as sign of dresses of bride and bridgeroom by sex or king, gentry and common people by class. Wedding Dress in Choson Dynasty = [{ODx(U/Dxu/d)}+AC·H·FW].

• 건축역사연구
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• 제30권4호
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• pp.53-66
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• 2021

In the study of Buddhist architecture before the Goryeo Dynasty, the analysis of sectarian viewpoints is one of the effective means. In the study of Buddhist architecture before the Goryeo Dynasty, analyzing from the point of view of a Buddhism sect is one of the effective means. Until now, compared to the importance of the Beopsang school before the Goryeo period in the field of research on the history of Buddhist architecture, research on its temples was the least compared to those of other denominations. In this study, as one of the studies on Beopsang school temples, Geumsansa(金山寺), Beopjusa(法住寺), and Donghwasa(桐華寺), which were built as the Jinpyo's Beopsang school temple in the late 8th century and maintained until the Goryeo Dynasty, were targeted. And I tried a rudimentary analysis on the building composition of those temples from the viewpoint of the beliefs and teachings of Beopsang school. This study is meaningful in that it is the first attempted study in the field of architectural history on the Buddhist temple of the Beopsang school, which led non-Zen sects of Buddhism along with the Hwaeom school until the Goryeo Dynasty.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제14권3호
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• pp.23-37
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• 2005

The purpose of this study is to clarify the characteristics of the ancient architectures of the Yuan Dynasty(元代). The result is expected to efficient for a basic data to research history of the Koryo(高麗) architectures. This study was focused on the architecture of the Yuan dynasty in Hancheng city, because the buildings of the Yuan Dynasty were remained in Hancheng city(韓城) of Shanxi province(陝西) in the largest numbers through all China territory. And the study was especially analyzed in the angle of the system of wooden structures among various architectural points. It was looked into, in large, views of form of whole structure and, in detail, joining method of detail parts. As a result of the study, the characteristics of architectures of the Yuan Dynasty in Hancheng city were summarized as follow a reduction of the unit size, a shifting of columns, a removal of columns and a simplicity of ornaments. These are different with architecture of other empire periods. Also, these are the characteristics of the Korean tradition at architectures. This study of the Yuan's architectures of Hancheng is expected to be the basis of the advanced study about the relationship between Koryo(高麗) architectures and Yuan(元) architectures.

• 복식
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• 제62권6호
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• pp.200-217
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• 2012

The purpose of this research is to examine the specificity of grids to define the characteristics of clothes styles in the Joseon Dynasty period. The significance of examining of the specificity of grids is to find out arbitrary types of the features of grids involved in structuring the Jeogori in the Joseon Dynasty period one by one. The Visual Linguistic Theory was introduced as a methodological tool to exquisitely analyze the characteristics of grids in deep structures of Jeogori in the Joseon Dynasty period. This theory strives to examine sample distribution, the distribution of samples by quality and the distribution of the types of ploidy features. Through the examination, the results are as follows. The grid systems of the Jeogori consisted of diverse proportion systems reaching 86 cases, that is, sequence systems composed of multi-functional, multi-combined bodies. Most ornamental grids had feature angles distributed in a range of $2-20^{\circ}$ that showed a common preference for low sloped diagonal lines or small curvature. Although the preference for certain feature angles were prominent, the feature angles that were used were generally distributed evenly among diverse feature angles to show the characteristics of separation. Therefore, Jeogori makers in the Joseon Dynasty period can be considered as having experimented with many proportion systems to show their aesthetics. In conclusion, based on the results of the examination of feature distributions and related methods to allocate ploidy features, O-type accounted for 66% and thus it was identified that the Jeogori was characterized by O-type. Therefore, it was identified that the characteristic of the Jeogori in the Joseon Dynasty period consisted of O-type fractal structures which are formative structures unique to our nation.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제6권4호
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• pp.459-464
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• 1991

Welcome reception for chinese envoy had been very important affairs for Chosun Dynasty. The procedure for the reception was described in Youngjeob Dogam. The events of each visit of Chinese envoy were also recorded in Youngjeob Dogam Euigwae. Among them, only the records of the year of 1609, 1610, 1626, 1634, 1637, 1643 are existing.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제8권6호
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• pp.493-503
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• 2022

청대의 예서는 중국서예의 역사에 혁신을 불러왔다. 서예에 있어 중요한 금석학과 고증학이 청시대에 들어와 발전하였고, 그리하여 예서에 적지 않은 영향을 미쳤다. 청시대예 들어와 적지 않은 서예가들이 출현하였고, 특히 금농(金農:1687-1763)과 이병수(伊秉綬:1754-1815)은 중국의 서예의 역사에 있어 예서체가 자리 잡는데 핵심적인 역학을 한 서예가들이다. 금농과 이병수에 대한 연구가 활발하게 진행되고 있지만, 이 논문에서는 두 예서체의 대가들이 남긴 그들의 작품을 비교분석하여 예서의 미적 가능성을 현재적인 관점에서 고찰하고, 나아가서는 서예가로서 금농과 이병수의 예서작품을 비교분석하여 예서의 미적 차이점을 구체화 한다. 나아가서 두 서예가의 예서가 한대(한자)의 예서를 전승함에도 불구하고 청시대의 예서사에 자리매김한 원인이 탐구되어야 한다. 따라서 한시대의 예서와 금농과 이병수의 예서체 그리고 서예의 사상과 그들의 서예작품은 예서를 비교 및 연구한다. 청시대의 서예가인 금능과 이병수 작품에 대한 비교분석은 예서의 역사적 그리고 미학적 판단에 중요한 화두를 제공한다. 이는 후세의 서예가들에게 예서체를 배울 수 있는 길을 마련했을 뿐만 아니라. 서예의 역사적 그리고 미학적 가치를 연구하는데 단초를 제공하기 때문이다.

• 복식
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• 제32권
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• pp.225-242
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• 1997

This study is historical research on the relationship between the Changes of the Form of costume and the recognition of the beauty of the body from prehistorical period to Ch'ing Dynasty in Chinese female costume. In figure painting a significant point was to describe the spirit of the figure so Chinese painters were less interested in ideal body pro-portion or body shape than Westerns. But idealized beauty of the female body existed and changed keeping abreast with the form of costume in each period. In the prehistorical period Wemen fasten waist belt so enabled to distinguish upper part of the body from lower one. "Locust-forehead moth-eyebrows(蝗首蛾毛)" recorded in "the Book of odes(詩經)" was the canon of beaty and Wemen tried to make their forehead broad and square from Zhou Dynasty to the Wei Jin periods. From the age of Civil War to han Dynasty Slender waist was loved so waist was tightly fastened and hemline became broader. in the course of that time Plump body in big cloth with broad sleeve emerged but that was less significant than Tang Dynasty. During Wei Jin and the Southern/Northern Dynasty undergo disruption and division they admired Taoist images. Loose fitting style with handkerchief hemline and broad sash belt was prevailed while miserable life was reflected gaunt face and lean body. Suk Dynasty also preferred a slim and long body silhouette. The style was presented extremely high waist line long and narrow sleeve slim and long skirt which expressed dynamic and straight image. The culture of Tang Dynasty was open and diverse and that character enabled blod decolletate revealing body line by tight fitting and special make-up-Social background of uion and stabilization made female body extremely plump full face. full breast and hips with most erotic image. The period of Kaiyuan Tianbao fashioned mannish disguise presented androgynous image. Five Dynasty and Song Dynasty restored standard body type so upper garments concealed neck and bust high waist line lowered which represented refined and simple outfit. But another eroticism emerged as foot-binding in Song Dynasty. For the sake of covering up deformed top of the feet and ankle gaiters and arrow shaped shoes were devised. During Ming Ch'ing Dynasties body shape became more slim weak and young causing to escort instinct that reflects 'Lust' or 'Mundanity'.

• Human Ecology Research
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• 제60권2호
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• pp.273-287
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• 2022

(K)Hanbok, which is Korea's traditional clothing, differs from the Chinese Hanfu or Japanese Kimono. This study aims to understand the fundamental differences between (K)Hanbok and Hanfu. The Goryeo Dynasty (K)Hanbok, which was particularly popular in China, was established because the Ming Dynasty Hanfu and Chinese fashion were considerably influenced by the 'Koryo Yang'. Firstly, while (K)Hanbok is bulky, Hanfu of the Han Dynasty is characterized by forming a slim silhouette. Due to the climate of the Northern Hemisphere, (K)Hanbok shows a rich silhouette comprising multiple layers of inner pants and a pleated skirt over a voluminous underskirt. On the other hand, the Han's Hanfu creates a straight silhouette in the form of a wrap, revealing the contours of the body. The pleated skirt of the (K)Hanbok can use six to twelve width fabrics, depending on the social position; however, the Hanfu of the Han is a skirt without any pleats. Secondly, the clothing patterns, which have various shapes, are totally different in how they are made and sewn. The Korean (K)Hanbok is a two-piece separate, whereas the Chinese Hanfu style is a one-piece with a skirt. The short length of the (K)Hanbok jacket has a Sup which is cut and pasted allowing the front closure to overlap. Nevertheless, the Hanfu of the Han does not have this Sup because it is of a wrap-around, one-piece style and has an exceptionally large front, and wraps around at the waist which extends to the sides. Thirdly, the (K)Hanbok jacket has separate string Gorums for fastening, and an additional belt around the waist; however, in the case of Gorum, it is unnecessary for a wrapping style of Hanfu. Fourthly, Koreans as an agricultural horse-riding people, basically wore the trousers attached a comfortable gusset, while the Chinese Hanfu had no pants, but the Chinese wore Gaedanggo pants which exposed the hips, inevitably during the Warring States period.