• Journal of Sericultural and Entomological Science
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.125-154
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• 1972

The major purpose of this survey is to collect the related information on technical aspects for solving the problems which are facing producing farmers and regions, provide scientific facts to farmers related personals and institutions and aimed at contributing the development of sericultural sector in Korea. The results are as follows; (1) The area of mulberry field per a farmer which was selected as sample ranges from 3.0 to 370a with its average 45. 1a. And yet, the average of new cultivated areas is above than that of ordinary ones by 56.3 to 33.8a. The largest area is Honam hill area with 101. 1a and e smallest is Muzinzang with 20.8a. Shortly, a large number of farmer belongs to 11 to 50a with 66.5 per cent. (2) The ratio of clay and loam soils which are inadequte for growing of mulberry trees is 28.3 per cent and particulary high in new cultivated area with 36.2 per cent. And yet, base soil is occupied with 45 per cent of heavy clay and particularly even 54.2 per cent in new cultivated area. On the other hand, the number of areas which the contents of organic matters is relatively low, with 48.2 per cent is near the half, but the ratio of mulberry fields which seems to contain organic matters abundantly is only 7.2 per cent. (3) The varieties of mulberry trees are Ilgirae, Gaeryangseoban, Suwonsang No.4 and Nosang. The ,ratio of the varieties are 33.3%, 25.7%, 18.0% and 10.5%, respectively. Consequently the four varieties enumerated above occupies 93.5 per cent. (4) The mulberry fields are almost composed of exclusive mulberry fields and its ratio was 92.3 per cent. The number of planted trees per 10a arrange from 480 to 1,390 and its average is 846. But most of them nearly belong to 701 to 1,000 with 91.3per cent. (5) The second year's autumn after planting is generally adopted as the first harvesting season, and its ratio is 73.0 per cent, but autumn of the years and next spring are not few, and its ratio are 12.7 and 8.7 per cent. The first harvesting method is relatively normal with 88.8 per cent of ratio. From the viewpoint of harvesting method, picking leaves was applied with 97.7 per cent of ratio in young larvae rearing and picking shoot and picking shoot after harvest with branches were applied with 80.0 per cent of ratio in grown larvae rearing. The ratio of applying the harvesting method of picking leaves were 97.7 and 91.7 per cent in young larva and grown larva in autumn rearings. But there was also picking leaves absolutely with 7.1 per cent of ratio(Chunwon was 47 per cent) and yet, the farmers applying cutting before shooting in spring was no more than 17.8 percent.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.4
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• pp.49-56
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• 2023

This study analyzes the entirety of Okhojeongdo's content found in the Punggojip, written by Kim Jo-Sun, who created Okhojeong. Through an examination of the literature confirming Okhojeong within the Punggojip, the study compares the existing research with the Okhojeongdo's content. Additionally, it clarifies the relationships between the disciple, the garden, and related historical facts. The results are as follows. First, Kim Jo-Sun, who created Okhojeong, had a strong literary inclination, which made it relatively easy to estimate the original form of the garden, as he expressed detailed content related to the design and management of the garden. Second, the historical dating of the creation of Okhojeong was previously estimated to be around 1815 based on the inscriptions on the Eulhaebyeok. However, it is more appropriate to revise this to 1804, as revealed by Lee Sung-min, who discovered records in Dongseonggyoyeojip, indicating that Kim Jo-Sun purchased the Jang's house. Third, Kim Jo-Sun's literary hobby, as depicted in Punggojip, closely followed Chinese classics. However, the part about creating the garden is supported by factual and garden archaeological records, giving it inherent value. Regarding the expansion of the garden site, it is estimated that the southern boundary of Okhojeong was extended by about half a unit(kan; 間) through a transfer from Kim saeng Saho. Various additions, stone statues, peculiar rocks, ornamental trees, and accompanying elements are found throughout the garden. Particularly noteworthy are the techniques and aesthetics of creating a stone pagoda, and there are mentions of transplanting young pine trees with professional insights. The love for harmony and elegance in the garden is woven throughout the poetry. Additionally, the process of selecting the location for Okhojeong, the understanding of the terrain and topography, the assessment of existing vegetation, the process of cutting down trees and selecting the soil, the construction of houses with tiles and thatched roofs all contribute to demonstrating the comprehensive stages of creating Okhojeong, providing insight into the location and construction process of the Sanbanru pavilion, showcasing the archaeological value of the garden. A follow-up study is needed to excavate more information about the original form of Okhojeong garden through the interpretation of the collections of the literary works of the influential figures introduced in Punggojip in the future.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.215-249
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• 2011

This essay reflects on the modernity of Korea by examining the transformation of the traditional knowledge system from a historico-semantic perspective with its focus on the opposition and collision of the old and the new conception occurred in the early period(1890~1910) of the acceptance of the Western modern civilization. With scientific success, trick of reason, Christianity and evolutionary view of history, the Western modernity regarded itself as a peak of civilization and forced the non-Western societies into the world system in which they came to be considered as 'barbarism(野蠻)' or 'half-enlightened(半開).' The East Asian civilization, which had its own history for several centuries, became degraded as kind of delusion and old-fashioned customs from which it ought to free itself. The Western civilization presented itself as exemplary future which East Asian people should achieve, while East Asian past traditions came to be conceived as just unnecessary vestiges which it was better to wipe out. It can be said that East Asian modernization was established through the propagation and acceptance of the modern products of the Western civilization rather than through the preservation of its past experience and pursuit of the new at the same time. Accordingly, it is difficult to apply directly to East Asian societies Koselleck's hypothesis; while mapping out his Basic Concept of History, he assumed that, in the so-called 'age of saddle,' semantic struggle over concepts becomes active between the past experience and the horizon of expectation on the future, and concepts undergoes 'temporalization', 'democratization', 'ideologization', 'politicization.'The struggle over the old and new conceptions in Korea was most noticeable in the opposition of the Neo-Confucian scholars of Hwangseongsinmun and the theorists of civilization of Doknipsinmun. The opposition and struggle demanded the change of understanding in every field, but there was difference of opinion over the conception of the past traditional knowledge system. For the theorists of civilization, 'the old(舊)' was not just 'past' and 'old-fashioned' things, but rather an obstacle to the building of new civilization. On the other hand, it contained the possibility of regeneration(新) for the Neo-Confucian scholars; that is, they suggested finding a guide into tomorrow by taking lessons from the past. The traditional knowledge system lost their holy status of learning(聖學) in the process of its change into a 'new learning(新學),' and religion and religious tradition also weakened. The traditional knowledge system could change itself into modern learning by accepting scientific methodology which pursues objectivity and rationality. This transformation of the traditional knowledge system and 'the formation of the new learning from the old learning' was accompanied by the intersection between the old and new conceptions. It is necessary to pay attention to the role played by the concept of Sil(hak)(實學) or Practical Learning in the intersection of the old and new conceptions. Various modern media published before and after the 20th century show clearly the multi-layered development of the old and new conceptions, and it is noticeable that 'Sil(hak)' as conceptual frame of reference contributed to the transformation of the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. Although Silhak often designated, or was even considered equivalent to, the Western learning, Neo-Confucian scholars reinterpreted the concept of 'Silhak' which the theorists of civilization had monopolized until then, and opened the way to change the traditional knowledge system into the new learning. They re-appropriated the concept of Silhak, and enabled it to be invested with values, which were losing their own status due to the overwhelming scientific technology. With Japanese occupation of Korea by force, the attempt to transform the traditional knowledge system independently was obliged to reach its own limit, but its theory of 'making new learning from old one' can be considered to get over both the contradiction of Dondoseogi(東道西器: principle of preserving Eastern philosophy while accepting Western technology) and the de-subjectivity of the theory of civilization. While developing its own logic, the theory of Dongdoseogi was compelled to bring in the contradiction of considering the indivisible(道and 器) as divisible, though it tried to cope with the reality where the principle of morality and that of competition were opposed each other and the ideologies of 'evolution' and 'progress' prevailed. On the other hand, the theory of civilization was not free from the criticism that it brought about a crack in subjectivity due to its internalization of the West, cutting itself off from the traditional knowledge system.