• Title/Summary/Keyword: Guard Security

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Performance Ability after CPR Education of the ground workers in an airport (공항 지상 근무자의 심폐소생술 수행능력)

  • Shin, Ji-Hoon
    • The Korean Journal of Emergency Medical Services
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    • v.13 no.3
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    • pp.29-40
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    • 2009
  • Objective : This study is an experimental study which is designed to examine the differences between knowledge and self-confidence before and after theory education(CPR PPT material) based on guidelines of CPR and emergency cardiac treatment of American Heart Association(AHA, 2005) and video self-instruction program for the general public by Korean Association of Cardiopulmonary Resuscitation(KACPR), trace CPR performance ability after CPR and AED education and investigate the accuracy of artificial respiration and chest compression, and know the difference in CPR performance abilities including AED. Methods : Subjects of this study include ground crews and staffs at M airport in G province equipped with emergency equipments for CPR according to Art. 47, Sec. 2 of Emergency Medical Law, airport police, rent-a-cops, security guard, quarantine officer, custom officer, and communication, electricity, civil engineering, facility management staff, airport fire fighting staff, air mechanic, traffic controller, and airport management team among airport facility management staffs. They were given explanation of necessity of research and 147 of 220 subjects who gave consent to this research but 73 who were absent from survey were excluded were used as subjects of this study. of 147 subjects, there were 102 men and 45 women. Results : 1) Knowledge score of CPR was $6.18{\pm}0.87$ before instruction and it was increased to $15.12{\pm}1.78$ after instruction, and there was statistically significant difference. 2) Self-confidence score in CPR was $3.16{\pm}0.96$ before instruction and it was increased to $7.05{\pm}0.75$ after instruction, and there was statistically significant difference. 3) Total average score in CPR performance ability after instruction was 7.46 out of 9, performance ability was highest in confirmation of response as 144(97.95%), follwed by request of help as 140(95.25%) and confirmation of respiration as 135(91.83%), and lowest in performing artificial respiration twice(gross elevation of chest) as 97(65.98%). Accuracy of artificial respiration(%) was $28.60{\pm}16.88$ and that of chest compression(%) was $73.10{\pm}22.16$. 4) Performance ability of AED after instruction showed proper performance in power on by 141(95.91%) and attaching pad by 135(91.83%), hand-off for analyzing rhythm showed 'accuracy' in 115(78.23%) and 'non-performance' in 32(21.77%), delivery of shock and hand-off confirmation showed 'accuracy' in 109(74.14%) and 'inaccuracy' in 38(25.86%), and beginning chest compression immediately after AED was done by 105(71.42%).

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A Study on Unauthorized Anchoring of Foreign-flag Vessels in Internal Waters and Territorial Sea (외국선박의 내수 및 영해 무단정박에 관한 연구)

  • Lim, Chae-Hyun;Lee, Chang-Hee;Jeong, Dae-Deuk
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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    • v.28 no.2
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    • pp.280-289
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    • 2022
  • Internal Waters refer to the waters located at the landward side of a baseline and is completely under the sovereignty of a coastal state. However, the right of innocent passage of foreign-flag vessels is recognized in internal waters that are newly incorporated by establishing a straight baseline. Korea has a massive Internal Waters on its south-western coast where the straight baseline is adopted and has a wide Internal Waters that allows innocent passage. A foreign-flag vessel navigating the internal waters must be properly managed according to the interest of the coastal states such as the fishing·safety·security·environment around the Korean coast. Additionally, Territorial Sea comes under the sovereignty of a coastal state and it is a very important sea area for managing the interests of the coastal states. However, several collision accidents involving illegally anchored or drifted foreign-flag vessels have been occurring recently in the Korean Internal Waters and Territorial Sea, and such accidents are a threat to its interests. Thus, this paper analyzes the cases of collision of foreign-flag vessels that anchored or drifted without authorization, and examines domestic·international laws on the passage of foreign-flag vessel through Internal Waters and Territorial Waters. Finally, this paper suggests that unauthorized anchoring of foreign-flag vessels in Korean Internal Waters and Territorial Water violates the requirements for innocent passage and this violation is punishable according to related Acts; a desirable improvement plan for the legal system of passage through Internal Waters and Territorial Waters.

Occupational exposure to polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons in Korean adults: evaluation of urinary 1-hydroxypyrene, 2-naphthol, 1-hydroxyphenanthrene, and 2-hydroxyfluorene using Second Korean National Environmental Health Survey data

  • Dong Hyun Hong;Jongwon Jung;Jeong Hun Jo;Dae Hwan Kim;Ji Young Ryu
    • Annals of Occupational and Environmental Medicine
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    • v.35
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    • pp.6.1-6.15
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    • 2023
  • Background: Polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) are occupational and environmental pollutants generated by the incomplete combustion of organic matter. Exposure to PAHs can occur in various occupations. In this study, we compared PAH exposure levels among occupations based on 4 urinary PAH metabolites in a Korean adult population. Methods: The evaluation of occupational exposure to PAHs was conducted using Second Korean National Environmental Health Survey data. The occupational groups were classified based on skill types. Four urinary PAH metabolites were used to evaluate PAH exposure: 1-hydroxypyrene (1-OHP), 2-naphthol (2-NAP), 1-hydroxyphenanthrene (1-OHPHE), and 2-hydroxyfluorene (2-OHFLU). The fraction exceeding the third quartile of urinary concentration for each PAH metabolite was assessed for each occupational group. Adjusted odds ratios (ORs) for exceeding the third quartile of urinary PAH metabolite concentration were calculated for each occupational group compared to the "business, administrative, clerical, financial, and insurance" group using multiple logistic regression analyses. Results: The "guard and security" (OR: 2.949; 95% confidence interval [CI]: 1.300-6.691), "driving and transportation" (OR: 2.487; 95% CI: 1.418-4.364), "construction and mining" (OR: 2.683; 95% CI: 1.547-4.655), and "agriculture, forestry, and fisheries" (OR: 1.973; 95% CI: 1.220-3.191) groups had significantly higher ORs for 1-OHP compared to the reference group. No group showed significantly higher ORs than the reference group for 2-NAP. The groups with significantly higher ORs for 1-OHPHE than the reference group were "cooking and food service" (OR: 2.073; 95% CI: 1.208-3.556), "driving and transportation" (OR: 1.724; 95% CI: 1.059-2.808), and "printing, wood, and craft manufacturing" (OR: 2.255; 95% CI: 1.022-4.974). The OR for 2-OHFLU was significantly higher in the "printing, wood, and craft manufacturing" group (OR: 3.109; 95% CI: 1.335-7.241) than in the reference group. Conclusions: The types and levels of PAH exposure differed among occupational groups in a Korean adult population.

A Study on the Social Perception of Jiu-Jitsu Using Big data Analysis (빅데이터 분석을 활용한 주짓수의 사회적 인식 연구)

  • Kun-hee Kim
    • The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.209-217
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    • 2024
  • The purpose of this study is to explore development plans by analyzing social interests and perceptions of jiu-jitsu using big data analysis. Network analysis, centrality analysis, and CONCOR analysis were conducted by collecting data for the last 10 years of major domestic portal sites. First, 'judo' was found to be the most important related word in network analysis, and 'judo' was also an important word in the analysis of dgree centrality. In the closeness centrality analysis, "defender" was the most important word, and "sports" was the most important word in betweenness centrality. Finally, as a result of CONCOR analysis, four clusters (related sports and marketing, jiu-jitsu competitions, belt test, supplies and expenses) were formed. As a conclusion of the study, first, words such as 'judo', 'exercise', 'competition', 'dobok', 'gym', and 'graduation' should be actively used to promote jiu-jitsu.As a conclusion of the study, first, words such as 'judo', 'exercise', 'contest', 'dobok', 'gym', and 'graduation' should be actively used to promote jiu-jitsu. Second, it is necessary to share information on training costs through various routes, to make awareness of the graduation process or method common, and to develop safety products and create a safe training culture. Third, it is necessary to find ways to continuously increase the influx of new trainees by attracting steady competitions.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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