• Title/Summary/Keyword: Grand Father

Search Result 9, Processing Time 0.029 seconds

A Study on the Perceptions Toward the Elderly of the Elementary School Children in Incheon Area According to the Related Variables (인천 지역 초등학교 아동의 아동, 가정, 노인 관련변인에 따른 노인에 대한 인식조사)

  • 장영애
    • The Korean Journal of Community Living Science
    • /
    • v.13 no.3
    • /
    • pp.1-15
    • /
    • 2002
  • This study investigated the perceptions toward the elderly of elementary school children in Incheon area. The subject of this study were 264 elementary school children in grade 2, 4, 6 and their mothers. Instruments included the inventory of the perceptions toward the elderly. The main results obtained from this study were as follows The degree of children's perceptions toward the elderly differed according to children's sex, age, birth order, mother and father's education, income of the family, religion and the attitudes of parents toward the elderly. Also the degree of children's perceptions toward the elderly differed according to whether grand parents are alive or not, whether they live together in the same household or not, the age of grand parents, their financial ability, health of grand parents.

  • PDF

An Analysis on Meta-praxis in the Educational Discoyrse (교육논의에서 '메타 프락시스'의 구조와 의미)

  • KIM, JEONG-NAE
    • (The)Korea Educational Review
    • /
    • v.22 no.3
    • /
    • pp.67-87
    • /
    • 2016
  • The paper has tried to analyze the sense of 'meta-praxis' in the educational discourse. Against the dichotomy of theory vs practice, the senses of practice and 'meta-praxis' can be hold under the Greek conception of human activities such as theoria, poiesis and praxis. We can establish the meaning of meta-praxis contrasted with one of metaphysics, not with one of meta-theory. Some significant points included in the concept then have been minutely examined so as to lead us to get the recursive structure and practicability. The Buddhist notion such as 'Well-Rounded Discretion' and the linguistic one such as 'Grand Father' throw light on the educational practice and discourse. These are ones that we never fail to recognize in terms of 'meta-praxis'.

A Study on the Relation between Father's Child-Rearing Attitude or Child-Concern and Children's Personality (아버지의 양육태도 및 관심도와 자녀의 인성과의 상관관계)

  • 이행자
    • Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
    • /
    • v.17 no.2
    • /
    • pp.83-105
    • /
    • 1979
  • The purpose of this study is 1) to find out several factors which related to father's rearing attitude and father's concern influencing on children's personality development and 2) to examine closely the correlation between father and children's personality. For the study, cases of 914 children from Seoul and Chong-Ju were sampled to put their personality on test and to investigate on the father's attitude for child rearing and child -concern. The instruments used in this research are question aires, which the investigators made, to examine the father's attitude for child-rearing and child-concern, and the child-personality test performed by Ph. D.B.M.J eong. The results obtained can be summarized as follows : 1. Most fathers were found to be more affectionate to daughters then to sons in their attitude for child-rearing and child-concern , and fathers in Chong-Ju had the tendency to have morn concern about the first child. 2. The more educated fathers, public official or company employee, and Christian or Catholic , showed much more concern about their children, which was shown or Catholic ,showed much more concern about their children , which was shown in this study as statistically significant (P<.0.1, F-test). 3. There were no sex differences in correlations between father's child-rearing attitude or child-concern and child-personality. 4. Father's child-rearing attitude was highly related to child's birth order, That is : the first child showed the low coefficient in general activity and impulsiveness, and showed the high coefficient in emotional stability of personality traits when father's child-rearing attitude was high. 5. Regardless of sex, birth order, economic level, children showed high coefficient in dominance, reflectiveness, and sociability of personality traits when father's child-concern was high. 6. Children in Chong-Ju also presented high marks at percentile in emotional stability when they liked grand fathers and fathers. 7. Children who identify their fathers showed the high marks in emotional stability, specially cases of Chong-Ju were statistically more significant (P<0.5, F-test). 8. There were much difference in percentile marks of personality traits among children in Seoul and Chong -Ju ; the marks which children in Chong-ju made were average 13.71 score lower than those of Seoul in general -activity , dominace, impulsiveness reflectiveness, sociability only except emotional stability.

  • PDF

A comparative study of the past and present locations of Cui Pu's "Piaohailu" (崔溥 《漂海錄》 经由地点古今对比研究)

  • Choi, Changwon
    • Industry Promotion Research
    • /
    • v.8 no.1
    • /
    • pp.143-150
    • /
    • 2023
  • Cui Pu Korea period official, 1487 AD to Jeju Island to perform official duties, after the death of his father, in 1488 leap on the third day of the first month home, unfortunately encountered a storm on the way, and drifting in the sea nearly half a month later, finally landed in the "Datang state Zhejiang Taizhou Prefecture near the Hai county border" (now Sanmen county). Cui Pu traveled overland from Taizhou to Hangzhou, then via Hangzhou, by boat along the Beijing-Hangzhou Grand Canal to Beijing, and then by land from Beijing through Shanhaiguan Pass, through the Yalu River back to his motherland. We have pieced together the distance he traveled, the current situation of the places he passed through. He also hopes to make a new record of the changes of these sites by revisiting the important sites he has walked. This study explores Cui Pu's footprints and reviews the history by comparing the ancient and modern places he passed through.

A study on the deeds of Choi Bu and its filming significance (崔溥 《漂海錄》 行程與其拍攝意義研究)

  • Choi, Chang-Won
    • Industry Promotion Research
    • /
    • v.7 no.1
    • /
    • pp.75-80
    • /
    • 2022
  • Cui Bu (1454~1504 BC), named Yuanyuan, named Jinnan. Served as the deputy manager of the Korean King Chosun Hongwenguan (fifth grade official). In 1487, on the way to Jeju Island to perform official duties, because his father died, he went home from the funeral on the third day of the first lunar month in 1488, but was unfortunately on the way. Encountered a storm, and drifting at sea for nearly half a month, he landed at the "Linhai County Boundary of Taizhou Prefecture, Zhejiang Province, Datang Kingdom" (now Sanmen County). Later, Cui Bu went to Hangzhou by land near Taizhou, where he landed, then via Hangzhou, took a boat along the Beijing-Hangzhou Grand Canal to Beijing, and from Beijing by land through Shanhaiguan, and returned to his country via the Yalu River. Cui Bu stayed in China for four and a half months, 136 days, and traveled nearly 9,000 miles. After returning to China, he wrote the book "Piaohailu" in Chinese. This diary-style book has a total of more than 50,000 characters, covering politics, military, economics, culture, transportation, and local customs in the early years of Hongzhi in the Ming Dynasty. The situation is an important document for studying China's Ming Dynasty coastal defense, political system, justice, canals, cities, topography, and folklore.

Social Factors in Recruiting Physicians and Dentist (의사인력 배출의 사회적 관련요인)

  • Yu, Seung-Hum;Park, Chong-Yon
    • Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
    • /
    • v.23 no.4 s.32
    • /
    • pp.428-435
    • /
    • 1990
  • This study was designed to investigate whether recruitment of physicians and dentists has been restricted to a social network, such as familial or kinship groups. The data was collected through a self-administered questionnaire survey distributed to a sampling of general physicians, specialists (internists, surgeons, other specialists), and dentists in August 1990. The major findings are as follows : 1) Total number of respondents was 405 ; of these, general physicians made up 48.9%, internists 10.4%, surgeons 15.8%, other specialists 4.9%, and dentists 20.0%. 2) 38.5% of the respondents had physicians or dentists in their immediate family or were related in some way to one. Those from urban areas, whose parents were highly educated, and whose father was a professional had more physicians or dentists in their family or kinship. 3) Parents of 7.1% of the respondents, brothers or sisters of 10.1%, grand parents of 1.7%, uncles or aunts of 7.9%, and cousins of 22.0% were physicians or dentists. 4) The majority of physicians or dentists in familial or kinship network specialized n surge, 32.3%, followed by internal medicine ; current worksites were noted as clinics by 30.8%, followed by general hospital, university hospital, and so on. The respondent's ma discipline tended to follow familial or kinship example. Consequently, it was concluded that physicians and dentists have been recruited within restricted familial or kinship network.

  • PDF

Studies on North Korean Documentary Films: Structures as to How Meanings of Film Literature are Made (북한 기록영화 연구: 영화문헌의 의미생성 구조)

  • Kim, Seung
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
    • /
    • v.17 no.11
    • /
    • pp.82-89
    • /
    • 2017
  • This paper intends to examine how North Korea has incited and persuaded its people by figuring out the structure regarding the meaning creation of its documentary film "Kim Jong-un, the Respected Comrade Supreme Commander, Giving On-site Guidance on the Grand Project of the People's Army" produced in 2015, which was North Korea's politically important year. The analysis results show that its narrative structure of the film took the form of an introduction, body, and conclusion to substantiate it obviously given theme. Its imaging techniques are geared towards uplifting the public's combat mentality and its sound contributes to achieving their adherence. In this regard, its film literature has the following meaning structure: first, the film takes the form of both film annals and the structure for the public to easily comprehend; second, the film clearly demonstrates its deep-rooted theme asking for the public to follow in the footsteps of the party's late father for its leadership; and third, the film also aims to establish the images of an always awake working leader by implanting and arranging the leader's diligence about his revolutionary activities in the documentary film. North Korea's documentary films serve as a weapon used for instigating revolution and construction. Given this, the producers of all documentary films have made sure to turn film literatures into the film literatures of the great leader. It was identified that under the social vision that the Kim Jong-un regime is a "socialist civilized country", he has tightened his grip on power in North Korea through the propaganda tool of film literatures.

A Study on the Usage of Miào(廟) and Gōng(宮) in Zhou Dynasty through the Mentions to Them in the Scripture Sentences of 『Chūn-qiū(春秋)』 - In the Process of Investigating the Existence of Zhou Dynasty's System to Regulate the Number of Zōng-miào(宗廟) 【1/2】 (『춘추』 경문에서의 묘(廟)·궁(宮) 언급을 통한 주대(周代)의 그 쓰임 사례 일고찰 - 주대의 묘수제(廟數制) 실재 여부에 대한 궁구 과정에서 【1/2】-)

  • Seo, Jeong-Hwa
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
    • /
    • no.57
    • /
    • pp.57-90
    • /
    • 2018
  • In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

Showing Filial Piety: Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain at the National Museum of Korea (과시된 효심: 국립중앙박물관 소장 <인왕선영도(仁旺先塋圖)> 연구)

  • Lee, Jaeho
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
    • /
    • v.96
    • /
    • pp.123-154
    • /
    • 2019
  • Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.