• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.26
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• pp.63-93
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• 2010

This document illustrates the culture of archives should be improved to get better in local autonomy. In 1994, the municipal elections were held to perform autonomous activities in Korea. It has been sixteen years, since the first municipal election had been held. The local autonomy can be accomplished well, based on the economic independence from the central government and growing awareness of locals. Not only that, if local records were well archived and suitably used, autonomy could be more active. However, since the independence from Japan in 1945, records of the self-government has not been archived well. Not only archives of local government have not been established, but also organization, budget and professional staff have not been arranged well. This brought about local records administration's inactive performance. As a result, numerous number of meaningful records are lost and people are difficult to make out the local administration policy. If the records of local government preserved well, administrative efficiency, responsibility, transparency can be realized in better way. When local officials' work experiences and achievements were on record and referred to a successor of officials properly, administrative efficiency would be highly promoted. In addition, with the well-preserved work records, people are able to see where the responsibility lies. A local autonomous entity might be able to obtain administrative transparency by showing administrative processes and results to locals to the public. In this manner, the premise to archive the records of local autonomous entity is to establish a department which can archive local records and the disposition of professional archivists. According to "the law on public archives management", the governor of a province should discuss with a minister of administration to set up plans for archives' establishment and management. In this way, local archives administration would work well, when not only the department of local records administration is established, but also the department of local archives places local records under their control at the same time. Moreover, based on active records movement, municipal officials and locals would realize the importance of local record and examine local records administration systems. Not only that, when local records are shown to public and utilized properly, the local autonomy would improve a lot.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.104-121
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• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist art in Jeju which has rarely been in the mainstream discussions about the Korean art by focusing on the statues of Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune. The Buddhist art in Jeju reached its heyday during the late phase of the Goryeo period (918-1392). The imperial court of Yuan (1271-1368) established Beophwasa, one of its guardian temples which was also a "complementary temple" of Goryeo (918-1392). In 1296, the community of monks based in Myoryeonsa Temple published the Jeju edition of the Buddhist canon granted by the royal court of Goryeo, contributing to the foundation of the island's academic culture. Other items representing the heyday of the Buddhist art of Jeju include the Vajra Guardian carved on the greenschist pagoda of Sujeongsa Temple built during the late Goryeo period and the Five-story Stone Pagoda of Bultapsa Temple made from the locally obtained basalt rock during the early $14^{th}$ century. The Buddhist art of Jeju during the Joseon period (1392-1910) is represented by Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune, a pair of stone statues of Maitreya Buddha carved to feature three aspects of the Maitreya worship spread among the local folks in the period. Each of the statues is in a peaked cap and official's robe and characterized by bulging eyes comparable to those of the Buddhist guardian deities such as the Vajra guardian who were designed to protect a sacred area against evil forces. The Maitreya statues provide valuable sources of knowledge about the types of Maitreya adopted by the worshippers of local folk religion in the Joseon period. The Jabok Mireuk statues in Jeju can be easily compared with the Two Rock-carved Standing Buddhas in Yongmi-ri, Paju (1471), and the two standing stone Buddhas in Daeseongsa Temple in Okcheon (ca 1491) and on the Sipsinsa Temple site in Gwangju in that they all wear peaked caps in the "treasure canopy" style which gained popularity during the early Joseon period. One may conclude then that these statues are related with the Neo-Confucian elites who wanted the Joseon dynasty they established to prosper under the auspices of the Buddha of the Future. Interestingly, the enshrinement of the stone Buddha of Daeseongsa Temple is presumed to have been participated by Yuk Han who had served as the Governor (Moksa) of Jeju, suggesting its connection with the Jabok Mireuk despite the regional difference in their style.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.146-169
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• 2018

Artificial or natural artifacts, which have historical, artistic, academic or scenic value as national, ethnic or global assets, are designated as "cultural heritages" under the Act on the Protection of Cultural Heritage. Cultural heritages can be divided into tangible cultural heritages, intangible cultural heritages, and monument and folklore heritages. In addition, depending on the object of designation, a cultural heritage can be designated either as a city or a provincial cultural heritage or a cultural heritage material, by a city mayor or provincial governor, and as a state-designated heritage by the administrator of the Cultural heritage Administration. The regular survey is a part of the policy for the preservation and management of state-designated heritages, which requires that surveys be undertaken every three to five years for the preservation, repair and maintenance of cultural heritages. It was stipulated in the Act on the Protection of Cultural Heritage in 2006, and since then has substantially contributed to the preservation and management of state-designated heritages based on the identification of damage to cultural heritages and the application of appropriate treatment measures. However, some parts of the guidelines on the regular survey, legislated in 2006, occasionally give rise to confusion in managing the regular survey system of state-designated movable cultural heritages, and need to be modified to facilitate the systematic management and improvement of the regular survey system. This study attempts to analyze the structure and operation of the regular survey system of state-designated movable cultural heritages, and proposes plans for improving the way of specifying each department which leads, manages and executes the regular survey, the process of entrusting the survey, and its guidelines and forms. I hope that these plans concerning the regular survey of state-designated movable cultural heritages will contribute to improving the quality and management of the system.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.48-63
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• 2013

The results of the study on the space planning and landscape design of Unjoru(雲鳥樓) through the 'Jeolla Gurye Omidong Gado(全羅求禮五美洞家圖)' drawn using GyeHwa(界畵) technique are as follows. First, 'Omidong Gado' is believed to date back to the period when Unjoru(1776~1783) was established for the following reasons: (1) The founder, Yoo-IJu(柳爾?), sent the drawing for the house while he was serving as the governor of YongCheon county(龍川府史). (2) It shows the typical dwelling houses' space division and its location is in a good spot with mountain in the back and water in front(背山臨水) and there is every indication of scheme drawing. (3) Front gate was changed and remodeled to a lofty gate in 1804. Second, Nogodan & Hyeongjebong of Jiri Mountain sit at the back of Unjoru, and faces Obong mountain and Gyejok mountain. In addition, the Dongbang stream flowing to the east well illustrates the Pungsu theory of mountain in the back and water in the front. Third, the house is structured in the shape resembling the character 品, divided into 5 areas by hierarchical order in the cross line from all directions. The site, which includes the outdoor yard and the back garden, consists of 5 blocks, 6 yards and 2 gardens. Fourth, the outdoor yard with aesthetical value and anti-fire function, is an ecological garden influenced by Confucianism and Taoism with a pond (BangJiWonDo Type, 方池圓島形) at the center. Fifth, the Sarang yard(舍廊庭) is decorated with terrace garden and flower garden, and the landscaping components such as oddly shaped stone, crane, plum, pine tree, tamarisk tree and flowering plants were used to depict the ideal fairy land and centrally placed tree for metaphysical symbolism. The upper floor of Sarangchae commands distant and medium range view, as well as upwards and downwards. The natural landscape intrudes inside, and at the same time, connects with the outside. Sixth, pine forest over the northern wall and the intentionally developed low hill are one of the traditional landscaping techniques that promotes pleasant residential environment as well as the aesthetics of balanced fullness.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.223-248
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• 2012

This research is to investigate his creative perspective to Deahak through Seoktan Lee Shin-Ui's Daehakcharok. Lee Shin-Ui is a scholar and politician in the middle of Joseon Dynasty. His ancestral home is Jeonui. The honor name is Gyeongchik and pen name is Seoktan. The posthumous name is MunJeong. His Daehakcharok was written in the process of taking basic foundation as the politic leader. It was a record that he usually wrote down things realized after reading Deahakjanggu. Seoktan clearly classified the meaning of Jang (chapter) and Gu (phrase) as the structure of Deahakjanggu, and created new realm about the method of classified study. In the preface of Deahakjanggu, he emphasized that the core of Deahak is in Gyeong (敬, respect or honor), and clarified that Deahak deals with Sim (心, mind) and Seong (性, human nature). In the interpretation of Daehakdeajeon, he thought that the core of Samgangnyeong (三綱領, three doctrines or essential principles) depended on Myeong (明, realizing), Shin (新, taking re-newness), and Ji (止, achieving) as the meaning of 'realizing, taking re-newness, and achieving', and interpreted the context of Tao (道, the way), Myeong (明, realizing), and Deuk (德, virtue) in detail. In addition, he interpreted various concepts and meaning of Deahak with Myeongmyeongdeuk (明明德, realizing human nature) and Sinmin (新民, renewing people) as relationship with Ji(知, realization), Haeng(行, practice), Che(體, main structure), and Yong (用, dealing with), and developed Neo-Confucianism deeply. In case of the main interpretation of Deahakjanggu, he analytically reviewed 50 phrases one by one throughout 10 total chapters. In case of chapter five which includes Zhuzi's the theory of Gyeokmul (格物, approaching things or persons), he interpreted it in three parts and classified Gyeokmulchiji (格物致知, approaching things or persons and then realizing their nature) about researching deeply of principle and each thing, and Mulgyeokjiji (物格知至, approaching things or persons and then realizing them) about all things. He arranged in order of 'principle- researching-result' as well. In final, chapter ten showing the core of politic thought emphasized the way of Hyeolgu (?矩, considering others' situation through his/her own experience) intensively and informed that it is the best virtue for a governor.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.93-126
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• 2009

This study is about a event, which happened on January of 1603 in Hamheung. It has covered from the beginning through the conclusion of the event. The event was ignited by a naturalized citizen, Guilsang's coming to the capital city without permission from the government. With this study I've wished to find the situations of specific management of naturalized citizens as well as popular attitudes towards them at the time. Concerning with the event of Guilsang, I could find more detailed situations from "Naturalization Registration". The reason why Guilsang came to Seoul was that he wanted to ask for living together with his son-in-law's family in Yang-Ju. Before his coming, Bie-Byun-Sa had sent a official letter to the governor of Hamkyung-Do so that he had had to move somewhere between Anbyun and Yung-heung. But Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family in Seoul. The place he visited first was Sa-Yuk-Won. He presented his petition through Yeozin language translator there. Sa-Yuk-Won then informed Ye-Jo to have him investigated. After its investigation, Ye-Jo reported to the king. There were arguments about Guilsang family in the government. Guilsang had wanted to live with his whole family, including his relatives and son-in-law. Guilsang's request had more pros than cons in terms of humanism. But letting him live in Seoul was a difficult decision for the government. but his family strenuously insisted on living in Seoul, trying to kill itself. Finally Government selected Yong-In which was a compromise between the naturalized citizens' wish and difficult position of Government. Yong-In Miejo-Hyun was a poor region where naturalized citizens had lived before but now empty after the wars. In the process of the event of Guilsang, Government differentiated naturalized citizens from general citizens and regarded them foreign. A man from Yeozin was naturalized due to economic reason. But, he couldn't accept to live somewhere except Seoul, separating from his family. Government concerned with dangers of naturalized citizen becoming into foreign agents and stabilization of borders. These concerns caused the policy of residential control and decentralization of naturalized citizens failed.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.185-217
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• 2018

This research is a part of basic research on Gyeonggi Kamyoung focused on reconstruct personnel organization and facility of Gyeonggi Kamyoung, the only Kamyoung without a Kamyoung Record, which should have been recorded on it. Excluding Gyeonggi Kamyoung, other 7 Kamyoung each have its Kamyoung Record that shows their detailed history and set up. Due to lack of information about Gyeonggi Kamyoung, this research set objective on reconstructing Kamyoung Record of it with fragments of information on multiple historical records. By doing this, this research will also be a background for general research on distinguishing administrative unity from regional uniqueness of all 8 provinces Kamyoung. Kamyoung's personnel organization is sorted into government official from central government and Yeongli and staff. The information about the government official on this research is based on "Ki-Yung-Jang-Gae- Deung-Rok"'s personal assessment. According to it, Dosa Junggun Geomlyul had the same task and position as others in different provinces did. The difference Gyeonggi Kamyoung had was an absence of Sim Yak since 1700 while others still had it. The information about Yeongli and staff's organization was based on "Ki-Yeong-Sin-Jeong-Sa-Le". In Gyeonggi Kamyoung, along 6-Bang, there were 208 Yeongli and staff categorized into 50 different official duties. Also, compared to other Kamyoungs, Youngli's scale was smaller. Kamyoung's facility inside Pojeongmun and wall is distinguished from other Kamyoung related facilities in this research. Organization of facilities inside Pojeongmun and wall is based on "Gyeonggi-Kamyoung-Do". Like other Kamyoungs in different provinces, Seonhwadang, which is the main building, is located in the center and had a similar organization. Significant point was that Gyeonggi Kamyoung had both Youngli-Cheong and Hyeongli-Cheong at the same time. In the dense and developed area outside of Seodaemun, Gyeonggi Kamyoung had its related facility around it in small scale.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.4
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• pp.1-11
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• 2020

Noksan is a green area in the form of a hill located inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, unrecognized as a cultural heritage space. This study analyzed the literature and the actual site to derive its landscape meaning by examining the background for the formation of Noksan and how it changed. As a result, the identity of Noksan was related to the geomagnetic vein, pine forest, and deers, and the following are its landscape meaning. First, several ancient maps, including the 「Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace」 depicted the mountain range continuing from Baegaksan(Bugaksan) Mountain to areas inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, and Noksan is a forest located on the geomantic vein, which continues to Gangnyeongjeon Hall and Munsojeon Hall. On Bukgwoldo(Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace), Noksan is depicted with Yugujeong Pavilion, Namyeogo Storage, office for the manager of Noksan, the brook on north and south, and the wall. It can be understood as a prototypical landscape composed of minimal facilities and the forest. Second, the northern palace walls of Gyeongbokgung Palace were constructed in King Sejong's reign. The area behind Yeonjo(king's resting place) up to Sinmumun Gate(north gate of the palace) was regarded as the rear garden when Gyeongbokgung Palace was constructed. However, a new rear garden was built outside the Sinmumun Gate when the palace was rebuilt. Only Noksan maintained the geomantic vein under the circumstance. However, the geographical features changed enormously during the Japanese colonial era when they constructed a huge official residence in the rear garden outside the Sinmumun Gate and the residence of the governor-general and road in the site of the Blue House. Moreover, Noksan was severed from the foothill of Baegaksan Mountain when 'Cheongwadae-ro(road)' was constructed between the Blue House and Noksan in 1967. Third, the significant characteristics and conditions of the forest, which became the origin of Noksan, were identified based on the fact that the geomatic state of the northeastern side of Gyeongbokgung Palace, the naecheongnyong area in geomantic terms(the innermost 'dragon vein' among the veins that stretched out from the central mountain toward the left side), and they planted pine trees to reinforce the 'ground vein' and the fact that it was expressed as the 'Pine Field' before the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. The pine forest, mixed with oaks, cherries, elms, and chestnuts, identified through the excavation investigation, can be understood as the original vegetation landscape. Noksan's topography changed; a brook disappeared due to mounding, and foreign species such as acacia and ornamental juniper were planted. Currently, pine trees' ratio decreased while the forest is composed of oaks, mixed deciduous trees, some ailanthus, and willow. Fourth, the fact the name, 'Noksan,' came from the deer, which symbolized spirit, longevity, eternal life, and royal authority, was confirmed through an article of The Korea Daily News titled 'One of the seven deers in Nokwon(deer garden) in Gyeongbokgung Palace starved to death.'

• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.155-165
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• 2021

The measures to extend local education autonomy are as follows: First, it is necessary to correct the confusion of the legal system of the local education autonomy system. For this, Article 12, Paragraph 2 and 4 of the 「Special Act on Local Autonomy and Decentralization, and Restructuring of Local Administrative Systems」 which state that "The State shall endeavor to consolidate systems for autonomy in education and local government" and "The implementation of autonomy in education and the autonomous police system shall be prescribed separately by Acts" should be deleted. Second, it is necessary to clarify unnecessary legal matters and regulatory measures for unification at the national level and to proactively consider the introduction of the legal trust system, in which education affairs are designated as local governments' own work and the state carries out specific affairs. The decentralization of local education finance is a key factor for the development of local education autonomy, and it requires the transfer of authority and resources to the region, and the enhancement of local autonomy and corresponding responsibility. First, the ratio of special grants must be adjusted further (from 3% to 2%) or the ratio of national policy projects must be lowered. Second, the provision that requires a consultation with a mayor/governor when making a budget covered by transfers from general accounts should be deleted. Third, it is necessary to remove the elements that limit the authority of city and provincial councils. Fourth, it is necessary to integrate the national education tax and the local education tax to create the education autonomy tax (tentative name) for only one independent purpose. Fifth, it is necessary to strengthen the distribution of the total amount of grants and abolish the settlement regulations for the measurement items of standard financial demand. Sixth is the expansion of the participation of stakeholders and experts in the grant distribution process. Seventh, it is necessary to establish a long-term employment system by designating the education finance field as a special field. Eight is the expansion of cooperative governance.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.36-45
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• 2022

This study examines the historical transition process of Hwanseonjeong Pavilion in Suncheon, identifies the landscape of the original Hwanseonjeong Pavilion in the past and its constituent elements, and compares it with the landscape of the present Hwanseonjeong Pavilion at Jukdobong area. It was intended to identify the problems and draw implications for future restoration of Hwanseonjeong Pavilion. Hwanseonjeong pavilion, the subject of this study, was built in 1543 by Tong-won Shim, the governor of Seungpyeong, as a garden architecture for government. Since then, it has been renovated several times, and as a pavilion representing "Seonhyang(immotal world)" Suncheon in the past, it was located along with an artificially created lake and other elements of the garden at a location where can be seen Dongcheon stream and Jukdobong Peak on the opposite side at a glance. Hwanseonjeong pavilion, which had been safely maintained during the Japanese colonial period, was lost on August 28, 1968 due to a major flood in Suncheon. The difference between Hwanseonjeong Pavilion and other lost is that another Hwanseonjeong Pavilion for the role of archery was built on Jukdobong Peak in 1935, before it was destroyed. The restoration case of Hwanseonjeong pavilion provides the following important implications for the restoration of pavilions as a garden architecture: First, the value of a pavilion is not formed from the building itself, but from the relationship with the surrounding landscape. Therefore, restoration of a pavilion should not be approached in the same way as restoration of buildings. Restoration of a pavilion requires efforts to understand the existing landscape value and to restore landscape elements together with buildings. Second, an artificially created long north-south lake along with Hwanseonjeong pavilion was a very important landscape component and a means of providing a way to enjoy the landscape. For restoration in the cultural context of Hwanseonjeong pavilion, efforts are also required to restore not only the architecture, but also the experience of cultural activities through an integrated examination and restoration based on an understanding of the cultural activities performed in Hwanseonjeong Pavilion. Third, compared to the past original Hwanseonjeong Pavilion, the existing Hwanseonjeong Pavilion shows a different shape, composition, scale, color, etc. In terms of the restoration of buildings, it is thought that restoration will be possible only when restoration is done through more accurate historical evidence, research, and investigation.