• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.161-199
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• 2018

The contents and method of education of all Korean scholars are similar to the contents and method of education provided by Zhu Xi(朱熹), but they operated in a somewhat different way according to schools. Those who served as the first directors of Donam Seowon were Kim Gip(金集, 1574~1656), Song Joon-gil(宋浚吉, 1606~1672) and Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607~1689), who were the writers of Kim Jang-saeng(金長生, 1548~1631). Donam Seowon is supposed to have weakened the status of scholarship and the activities of lectures as HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon, which principals were all the Noron(老論) scholars, grew to be the center of education institution of the Noron. Donam Seowon have not preserved the school regulations. But the way of operating system of Donam Seowon can be guessed through the letter of Song Joon-gil, who was the headmaster of the late 17th century on the whole operation of Donam Seowon. From this letter, it is assumed that the school of Donam Seowon is similar to the 'Unbyoung-Jungsa regulations' written by Lee Yi(李珥). The headmasters of Donam Seowon was the Noron scholars. And scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop(金昌協, 1651~1708) school became headmasters more than the scholars of Kwon Sang-ha(權尙夏, 1641~1721) school. Headmasters of the Donam Seowon had served as the headmasters of HwaYang Seowon and Seoksil Seowon also. In the early days of the establishment of the Donam Seowon, the lecture activities conducted in Donam Seowon were preceded by the textbooks of Kim Jang-saeng/Song Si-yeol's teaching curriculum and neo-confucian books[i.e Sohak (小學)${\rightarrow}$Family Ritual(家禮)${\rightarrow}$Simkyong(心經)${\rightarrow}$Keunsarok(近思錄). It is assumed that the scholars of Seoksil Seowon, who was a Noron Nak-ron(洛論) scholars, gradually adopted Lee Yi's teaching curriculum[i.e, Sohak(小學)${\rightarrow}$Sasoe(四書)${\rightarrow}$Okyoung(五經)]. This lecture contents and procedure was contents and procedure of the Seoksil Seowon, established and operated by the scholars of the Kim Chang-hyeop school. Entrance qualification of Donam Seowon's did not place importance on the social status, but on scholarship and personality. The examination for a high-ranking government official was not allowed. Although the principle, students had to participate in the lecture and study(講學), they were living in Seowon, while the financial and operating of the Seowon became increasingly difficult, the students were changed to participate in the conference(講會) held twice a month while studying at their homes.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.45-82
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• 2017

This paper aims at concrete examination of the 'Official Road(官路)' of the late Joseon Dynasty through government administration of the 17th - 18th century 'Junsangseo(典牲署)'. Until now, the study of the central political system in the Joseon Dynasty was mainly studied by the politically important bureaucrat 'Dangsanggwan(堂上官)', and even if he studied the 'Official Road(官路)', he was a student from the a graduate of Mungwa(文科) and the 'Clean and imfortant Official(淸要職)' connected with it It was examined mainly. As a result, this research attempts to elucidate the routes of 'non - Clean and imfortant Official(非淸要職)' who have not been studied so far. However, it is difficult to deal with all the 'lower officials(參下官)' reaching 263 in total, so it was targeted at the 'Junsangseo(典牲署)' where the 'List of official(先生案)' exists in the 17th - 18th century. In chapter 2, we examined the historical value of 'List of official(先生案)' and were able to secure the confidence of the materials. In Chapter 3, we specifically examined the origins of officials from the 'Junsangseo(典牲署)', the official route, and the occupation. As a result, the 'Junsangseo(典牲署)' 'lower officials(參下官)' was predominantly from the 'Munum(門蔭)'. In addition, I confirmed that I was stepping on a public road that roughly promoted one rank. The number of days in office has also been promoted satisfying the court occupation days. Although this is an analysis limited to 'Junsangseo(典牲署)', it seems that 'lower officials(參下官)' of 'Junsangseo(典牲署)' had gone through routes and routes that were roughly similar to the 'lower officials' of the main office. If we can assume this, we can understand the character of the late Joseon Dynasty 'lower officials(參下官)' by understanding the character of 'lower officials(參下官)' of 'Junsangseo(典牲署)'. To declare this, more case analysis is necessary, and it is necessary to convert a lot of 'List of official(先生案)' data scattered nationwide into DB.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.4
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• pp.13-37
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• 2022

Even before recorded history, the Korean people took ginseng. Later, poetry passed down from China developed into a literary style in which intellectuals from the Silla, Goryeo, and Joseon Dynasties expressed their thoughts concisely. The aim of this paper is to find Korean poems related to ginseng and to look for their semantic network. To this end, "Korea Classical DB ", produced by the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics, was searched to find ginseng poems. As the result of a search in November 2021, two poems from the Three Kingdoms Period, two poems from the Goryeo Dynasty, and 23 poems from the Joseon Dynasty were searched. An examination of these poems found that the first ginseng poem was "Goryeoinsamchan," which was sung by people in Goguryeo around the 6th century. Ginseng poetry during the Goryeo Dynasty is represented by Anchuk's poem. Anchuk sang about the harmful effects of ginseng tributes from a realistic point of view. Ginseng poetry in the Joseon Dynasty is represented by Seo Geo-jeong in the early period and Jeong Yakyong in the late period. Seo Geo-jeong's ginseng poem is a romantic poem that praises the mysterious pharmacological effects of ginseng. A poem called "Ginseng" by Yongjae Seonghyeon is also a romantic poem that praises the mysterious medicinal benefits of ginseng. As a scholar of Realist Confucianism, Dasan Jeong Yak-yong wrote very practical ginseng poems. Dasan left five ginseng poems, the largest number written by one poet. Dasan tried ginseng farming himself and emerged from the experience as a poet. The story of the failure and success of his ginseng farming was described in his poems. At that time, ginseng farming was widespread throughout the country due to the depletion of natural ginseng and the development of ginseng farming techniques after the reign of King Jeongjo. Since the early 19th century, ginseng farming had been prevalent on a large scale in the Gaeseong region, and small-scale farming had also been carried out in other regions. What is unusual is Kim Jin-soo's poem. At that time, in Tong Ren Tang, Beijing (the capital of the Qing Dynasty), ginseng from Joseon sold well under the "Songak Sansam" brand. Kim Jin-Soo wrote about this brand of ginseng in his poem. In 1900, Maecheon Hwanghyeon also created a ginseng poem, written in Chinese characters. Thus, the semantic network of Korean ginseng poems is identified as follows: 1) Ginseng poetry in the spirit of the people - Emerging gentry in the Goryeo Dynasty (Anchuk). 2) Romantic ginseng poetry - Government School in the early Joseon Dynasty (Seo Geo-jeong, Seonghyeon, etc.). 3) Practical ginseng poetry - Realist School in the late Joseon Dynasty (Jeong Yak-yong, Kim Jin-soo, Hwang Hyun, etc.). This semantic network was extracted while examining the development of Korean ginseng poems.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.3
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• pp.36-45
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• 2022

This study examines the historical transition process of Hwanseonjeong Pavilion in Suncheon, identifies the landscape of the original Hwanseonjeong Pavilion in the past and its constituent elements, and compares it with the landscape of the present Hwanseonjeong Pavilion at Jukdobong area. It was intended to identify the problems and draw implications for future restoration of Hwanseonjeong Pavilion. Hwanseonjeong pavilion, the subject of this study, was built in 1543 by Tong-won Shim, the governor of Seungpyeong, as a garden architecture for government. Since then, it has been renovated several times, and as a pavilion representing "Seonhyang(immotal world)" Suncheon in the past, it was located along with an artificially created lake and other elements of the garden at a location where can be seen Dongcheon stream and Jukdobong Peak on the opposite side at a glance. Hwanseonjeong pavilion, which had been safely maintained during the Japanese colonial period, was lost on August 28, 1968 due to a major flood in Suncheon. The difference between Hwanseonjeong Pavilion and other lost is that another Hwanseonjeong Pavilion for the role of archery was built on Jukdobong Peak in 1935, before it was destroyed. The restoration case of Hwanseonjeong pavilion provides the following important implications for the restoration of pavilions as a garden architecture: First, the value of a pavilion is not formed from the building itself, but from the relationship with the surrounding landscape. Therefore, restoration of a pavilion should not be approached in the same way as restoration of buildings. Restoration of a pavilion requires efforts to understand the existing landscape value and to restore landscape elements together with buildings. Second, an artificially created long north-south lake along with Hwanseonjeong pavilion was a very important landscape component and a means of providing a way to enjoy the landscape. For restoration in the cultural context of Hwanseonjeong pavilion, efforts are also required to restore not only the architecture, but also the experience of cultural activities through an integrated examination and restoration based on an understanding of the cultural activities performed in Hwanseonjeong Pavilion. Third, compared to the past original Hwanseonjeong Pavilion, the existing Hwanseonjeong Pavilion shows a different shape, composition, scale, color, etc. In terms of the restoration of buildings, it is thought that restoration will be possible only when restoration is done through more accurate historical evidence, research, and investigation.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.89-123
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• 2010

As above, as theoretical basis of critiques against School of Mohism, the researcher summarized the positions of the elder Confucian scholars including Meng Zi. In the body of text, taking it as promises, the researcher examined the critiques against Mo Tzu and School of Mohism as well focusing on the aspects and development of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy which had been introduced and strongly argued from the end of Goryeo kingdom to the late Joseon period. The summary of the body of this text is as follows: In the old literatures prior to Goryeo Kingdom, the researcher couldn't find any cases that either the School of Mohism or Mo Tzu including the Hundred Schools of Thought had been rejected explicitly. Having reached the end of Goryeo and the beginning of Joseon period, Meng Zi's viewpoints on the theory of rejecting heterodoxy had begun to emerge and come into play with the progress of accepting Neo-Confucianism, and, these critiques against Yang Zhu and Mo Tzu being given, the scholar-literati circle had started rejecting Buddhism and Lao Tzu. Basically the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism in the early period of Joseon were in succession to Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy and the views and thoughts of the elder Confucian scholars including Han Yu rather than any specific critiques against Mo Tzu' ideology itself. Until entering the middle of Joseon period, the critiques against the School of Mohism had been used as a tool to promote Confucianism in an affirmative manner, while arguing strongly against the viewpoint of Han Yu in the first place. Particularly, not only the original text of the Mo Tzu's writings were directly quoted, although it was partial, but also the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism had been developed and stretched to the extent of their entire ideological system. Having approached to the late period of Joseon, the critiques against the School of Mohism had begun to be linked to those critiques against the study of state examination or of sentence patterns including Catholic Church, furthermore the critics raised their harsh tones against the irregularities of the society at large like the issue of corruptions of the government officials of those days instead, although they still had firmly stood on the ground of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy. Those scholars that belonged to the School of Practical Learning, in particular, said in justification of the School of Mohism arguing that the major ideologies of Mo Zi had usefulness in the real world, also they even evaluated that Meng Zi ' critiques against the School of Mohism were immoderate. To sum up, characteristics of scholars in the Joseon period to understand and critique the School of Mohism are that ideologies of Mo Tzu were mostly used as a tool for the sake of critiques against heresies in other sectors of society based mainly on Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy, rather than opposing views against the ideologies or philosophies of the School of Mohism itself. Meanwhile, however, on the plus side, the critics praised Mo Tzu's individual efforts in order to put his ideology of peace into practice apart from the ideological system of the School of Mohism. Also, having reached the late period of Joseon, the researcher was able to have discovered the fact that the writings of Mo Tzu had been used as historical materials in order to ascertain historical truths of Confucian Scriptures, rather not having it regarded as an ideology text.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.31 no.3
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• pp.39-73
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• 2023

The field of Management of Technology(MOT) emerged in response to the need for research management within U.S. public research institutions during the 1960s. Since its inception, it has proliferated significantly, being practiced in more than 809 institutions globally and over 19 institutions in Korea, encompassing both research and educational endeavors. Particularly noteworthy is the substantial investment of government resources, primarily channeled through the Ministry of Industry since 2007, which has expeditiously established a comprehensive framework for cultivating graduate-level MOT expertise, marked by both quantitative and qualitative advancements. The educational curriculum in the realm of Korean MOT deviates from foreign counterparts through distinctive pathways, exemplified by its emphasis on industry practice-oriented educational programs, standardization and isomorphism across different schools, as well as its interconnectedness with proximate academic disciplines. This research systematically undertakes an analysis of the curriculum in Korean MOT graduate schools, thereby ascertaining its intrinsic identity and distinct attributes. In this endeavor, a comprehensive examination of eleven principal MOT textbooks(three in Korean and eight in English) is conducted to delineate the primary content of the curriculum across seven thematic domains. Moreover, the study deliberates on its differentiation from neighboring academic disciplines and the definitional attributes of MOT. Subsequently, this analysis also encompasses nine Korean MOT graduate programs, projecting the seven thematic domains onto their respective curricula. The findings illuminate that within the context of Korean graduate programs, a substantial proportion of the curriculum, amounting to 62.5%, is dedicated to facets encompassing the operational aspects of technology management within corporate contexts, technology management specific to varying industries and technologies, and collaborative endeavors between academia and industry in the form of projects and seminars. Evidently, the Korean approach to technology management education is notably geared towards the cultivation of adept practitioners capable of executing technology management functions at a mid-tier managerial level, aligned with the exigencies of regional industries. Grounded in the analysis of technology management curricula, this study extrapolates implications for the future trajectory of MOT education in Korea, encompassing a consideration of the stages of industrial development. It underscores the necessity to augment the educational curricula pertaining conceptual foundation of technology and innovation, strategic perspectives of technology and innovation, and the socio-economic context of technology management.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.353-377
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• 2000

This study was performed to investigate the performance state and improvement countermeasure of Primary Health care Posts(PHPs). The operation reports of PHPs(1996 330 PHPs, 1999 313 PHPs) located in Kyongsangbuk-Do and data collected by self-administered questionnaire survey of 280 community health practitioners(CHPs) were analyzed. The major results were as follows: Population per PHP in 1999 decreased in number compared with 1996. But population of the aged increased in number. The performance status of PHP in 1999 increased compared with 1996. A hundred forty one community health practitioners(50.4%) replied that the fiscal standing of PHP was good. Only 1.4% replied that the fiscal standing of PHP was difficult. For the degree of satisfaction in affairs, overall of community health practitioners felt proud. The degree of cooperation between PHP and public health institutions was high and the degree of cooperation of between PHP and private medical institutions was high. The degree of cooperation between PHP and Health Center was significantly different by age of CHP, the service period of CHP, and CHP's service period at present PHP. Over seventy percent of CHPs replied that they had cooperative relationship with operation council, village health workers, community organization. CHPs who drew up the paper on PHP's health activity plan were 96.4 % and only 11.4% of CHPs participated drawing up the report on the second community health plan. CHPs who grasped the blood pressure and smoking status of residents over 70% were 88.2%, 63.9% respectively and the grasp rate of blood pressure fur residents were significantly different according to age and educational level of CHP. CHPs received job education in addition continuous job education arid participated on research program in last 3 years were 27.5%, respectively. CHPs performed the return health program for residents in last 3years were 65.4%. Over 95% of CHPs replied that PHPs might be necessary and 53.9% of CHPs replied that the role of PHPs should be increased. CHPS indicated that major reasons of FHPs lockout were lack of understanding for PHP and administrative convenience, CHPs were officials in special government service governors intention of self-governing body. CHPs suggested number of population in health need such as the aged and patients with chronic disease, opinion of residents, population size, traffic situation and network in order as evaluation criteria for PHP and suggested results of health performance, degree of relationship with residents, results of medical examination anti treatment, ability for administration and affairs in order as evaluation criteria for CHP. CHPs replied that the important countermeasures for PHPs under standard were affairs improvement of PHPs and shifting of location to health weakness area in city. Over 50% of CHPs indicated that the most important thing for improvement of PHPs was affairs adjustment of CLIP. And CHPs suggested that health programs carried out in priority at PHP were management of diabetes mellitus and hypertention. home visiting health care, health care for the aged. The Affairs of BLIP should be adjusted to satisfy community health need and health programs such as management of diabetes mellitus and hypertention, home visiting health care, health care for the aged should be activated in order that PHPs become organization reflecting value system of primary health care.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.513-557
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• 2009

The procession depicted in Goguryeo's ancient tomb mural consists of guards, honor guards, music band, and performing artists. Since this coincides with the royal processions of Goryeo and Joseon Dynasties, the relationship of its impact can be examined. The performing arts appearing in such street procession were mostly sanakbaekhui. During the Goryeo Dynasty, the king visited Bongeunsa templ when the lotus lantern festival was celebrated. At such time, on the left and right sides of the road travelled by the king were installed mountains made of lanterns and trees made of lanterns. The procession was quite large in scale and was accompanied by colorful music and performances. In the narye ceremony of the Goryeo Dynasty, as in China, street procession and performing arts took place. The jisinbarbgi performed by a peasant band in early January is a custom of narye. A new character appears in the royal narye during the first half of the Joseon period. Therefore the features of narye transforming according to the changes of the times can be examined. In the Joseon Dynasty's procession of a king returning to the palace, the royal band in front and behind the carriage of the king played marching music, and led by a sanbung this street procession headed toward the palace. Various performances also took place during this time. The samilyuga and munhuiyeon were festivals of the yangban class(nobility). Those who passed the state examination hired musicians and performers and paraded around town in Seoul for three days to celebrate the auspicious outcome for their family and to show off their family's power. In the Joseon's dongje and eupchijeui ceremonies, street processions were carried out with a shrine deity image or symbolic flag at the head. The dongje in a Korean village, combined with jisinbarbgi, incorporated a procession with the flags ymbolizing the guardian deity of the village at the head, and this went from house to house. The procession of suyeongyaru had the publicity impact of a mask play performance, and by creating a sense of unity among the participants, heightened the celebratory atmosphere. At the core of the bukcheonggun toseongri gwanweonnori was as treet procession imitating the traveling of high government officials. The toseong gwanweonnori has the folk religion function of praying for safe human living and abundance of grains for the village, the entertainment function of having fun and joy through street processions and various performances, and the social function of creating unity and harmony among the residents. In all the aforementioned events, the street procession had a large role in creating a celebratory atmosphere, and the performance of traditional performing arts in the middle of the procession or after the procession enabled the participants to feel united. The participants of the street procession felt cultural pride and self-confidence through the various events and they were able to have the opportunity to show off and proudly display their abilities.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.68
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• pp.77-112
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• 2021

This study is based on the research of the first year, which is the National Research Foundation of Korea's R&D subject for middle-grade researchers. In this study, the practical curriculum development of the education for love - an according to the psychoanalytic perspectives of F. Dolto(1908-1988) - is suggested as follows. The first is 'the reconstruction of the directions of curriculum and its specific aims in accordance with such directions.' The reconstruction of the directions of curriculum aims at leading our future generation to live as a subject of desire through the mutual-communication of love. The second is 'the reconstruction of the tasks of curriculum and its specific contents in accordance with such tasks.' The reconstruction of the tasks of curriculum pursuit to help our future generation through the converting the education for love into the paradigm of desire of Agape to live as a subject of desire forming a whole personality and practicing the desire of Agape in daily life. as a source of desire. According to these aims, the reconstruction of directions of curriculum are presented as following: firstly, 'curriculum for the mutual-communication between subjects of love' and secondly, 'curriculum for the subject of desire'. The reconstruction of tasks of curriculum are like these: firstly, 'converting the education for love into the paradigm of desire of Agape', and secondly, 'forming a whole personality through the education for love'. Thus, with respect to two specific aims in accordance with the reconstruction of directions are suggested like these: Firstly, 'constructing a subject as a speaking existence' and secondly, 'realizing the subject as the autonomous source of desire'. In the two specific contents in accordance with the reconstruction of tasks are presented as following: Firstly, 'realizing the truth of the desire of Agape'.' Secondly, 'practicing the desire of Agape in daily life.' The third is 'the reconstruction of curriculum by life cycle' are suggested. They include the fetal life, infants and preschool children life, and childhood life. In further study, it is required to contain adolescent period. It will be useful to help them to recover their self-esteem with the experience of true love, especially, out-of-school young generation overcome negative perspectives and prejudice in the society, and challenges to their dreams and future through proper utilization of the study outcome. The outcome of this study, which presented practical curriculum development of the education for love based on the understanding of psychoanalytic 'desire of subject' can be used as basic teaching materials for our future generations. Furthermore, the results can be used as a resource for educating ministers and lay leaders in the religious world to build capabilities to heal their inner side as well as the society that is tainted with various forms of conflict. These include general conflicts, anger, pleasure and addiction, depression and suicide, violence and murder, etc. The study outcome can contribute to the prevention of antisocial incidents against humanity that have recently been occurring in our free-semester system implemented in all middle schools across the country to be operated effectively. For example, it is possible to provide the study results as lecture and teaching materials for 'character camp' (self-examination and self-esteem improvement training) and 'family healing camp' (solution of a communication gap between family members and love communication training), which help students participate in field trip activities and career exploration activities voluntarily, independently, and creatively. Ultimately, it can visibly present the convergent research performance by providing the study outcome as preliminary data for the development of lecture videos and materials including infant care and preschool education, parental education, family consultation education, and holistic healing education. Support from the religious world, including the central government and local governments, are urgently required in order for such educational possibilities to be fulfilled both in the society and the fields of church education and to be actively linked to follow-up studies.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.59-66
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• 2023

This study attempts to examine the process of establishing a Japanese-style garden in the modern period through the perspectives of garden designers, spatial composition, spatial components, and materials used in their works, and to use it as data for embodying the identity of Korean garden. The results are as follows: First, by incorporating elements associated with Koreanness into the modern garden culture, there are differences in location, presence, and subjectivity when compared to Japan. This reflects Japan's relatively seamless cultural continuity compared to Korea's cultural disconnection during the modern period. Second, prior to the modern period, Japan's garden culture spread and continued to develop throughout the country without significant interruptions. However, during the modern period, the Meiji government promoted the policy of 'civilization and enlightenment (Bunmei-kaika, 文明開化)' and introduced advanced European and American civilizations, leading to the popularity of Western-style architectural techniques. Unfortunately, the rapid introduction of Western culture caused the traditional Japanese culture to be overshadowed. In 1879, British architect Josiah Condor guided Japanese architects and introduced atelier and traditional designs of Japanese gardens into the design. The garden style of Ogawa Jihei VII, a garden designer in Kyoto during the Meiji and Taisho periods, was accepted by influential political and business leaders who sought to preserve Japan's traditional culture. And a protection system of garden was established through the preparation of various laws and regulations. Third, as a comprehensive analysis of Japanese modern gardens, the examination of garden designers, Japanese components, materials, elements, and the Japanese-style showed that Yamagata Aritomo, Ogawa Jihei VII, and Mirei Shigemori were representative garden designers who preserved the Japanese-style in their gardens. They introduced features such as the creation of a Daejicheon(大池泉) garden, which involves a large pond on a spacious land, as well as the naturalistic borrowed scenery method and water flow. Key components of Japanese-style gardens include the use of turf, winding garden paths, and the variation of plant species. Fourth, an analysis of the Japanese-style elements in the target sites revealed that the use of flowing water had the highest occurrence at 47.06% among the individual elements of spatial composition. Daejicheon and naturalistic borrowed scenery were also shown. The use of turf and winding paths were at 65.88% and 78.82%, respectively. The alteration of tree species was relatively less common at 28.24% compared to the application of turf or winding paths. Fifth, it is essential to discover more gardens from the modern period and meticulously document the creators or owners of the gardens, the spatial composition, spatial components, and materials used. This information will be invaluable in uncovering the identity of our own gardens. This study was conducted based on the analysis of the process of establishing the Japanese-style during Japan's modern period, utilizing examples of garden designers and gardens. While this study has limitations, such as the absence of in-depth research and more case studies or specific techniques, it sets the stage for future exploration.