• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• 제21권4호
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• pp.253-260
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• 2003

목적: 흉벽을 침범한 PT3N0 비소세포폐암 환자에서 수술 후 방사선치료를 추가하는 것이 필요한지의 여부와 적절한 방사선치료의 조사영역에 관해서는 아직 정립된 이론이 없다. 본 연구에서는 종양으로부터 수술 절제연까지 충분한 여유를 얻기가 힘들었던 소견으로 방사선치료를 추가한 흉벽침범 pT3N0 비소세포폐암 환자들에 대한 후향적 분석을 수행하였다. 대상 및 방법: 1994년 8월부터 2002년 6월까지 성균관의대 삼성서울병원에서 흉벽침범 pT3N0 비소세포폐암으로 수술 후 방사선치료를 추가한 환자는 모두 21명이었다. 모든 환자들은 근치적 폐절제술과 흉벽절제술과 함께 동측 폐문 및 종격동 림프절 곽청술을 시행받았다. 방사선치료는 수술 3$\~$4주 후에 시작하여 선택적 림프절 방사선조사를 고려하지 않고 원발종양에 의해 침범된 흉벽과 그 주변 조직에만 국한하여 최소 54 Gy를 조사하도록 예정하였다(1회선량 1.8$\~$2.0 Gy, 주 5회 치료). 환자들의 생존율과 재발양상을 후향적으로 분석하였다. 결과: 전체 환자의 5년 생존율, 무병생존율, 국소종양억제율, 무원격전이 생존율은 각각 38.8$\%$, 45.5$\%$, 90.2$\%$, 48.1$\%$였다. 모두 11명의 환자에서 치료실패를 경험하였는데, 원격전이가 6명, 흉곽내재발이 3명, 원격전이와 흉곽내재발의 동시재발이 2명이었다. 흉곽내재발 환자 5명 중 방사선치료 조사영역 내에서의 국소재발은 2명, 늑막파종이 2명, 종격동 림프절 재발이 1명이었다. 방사선치료와 관련되는 RTOG 3등급 이상의 급성 및 만성 부작용은 없었다. 결론: 흉벽침범 pT3 비소세포폐암의 치료성공에 있어 가장 중요한 요소는 완전절제를 통한 국소제어인바, 수술 소견상 충분한 여유 절제연의 확보가 불가능한 경우 수술 후 방사선치료를 추가하여 국소제어율을 높이도록 도모하는 것은 충분한 당위성을 갖는다. 또 방사선치료 조사영역의 결정에 있어서도 선택적 림프절 방사선조사를 배제함으로써 영역림프절 재발의 과도한 위험부담 없이도 급성 및 만성 부작용의 위험을 현저히 감소시켜 환자의 삶의 질을 향상시킬 수 있었다.

• Pediatric Infection and Vaccine
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.78-85
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• 1999

목 적 : 3세 이하에서 Mycoplasma pneumoniae 폐렴은 드문 것으로 알려져 있으나 최근 영유아에서도 Mycoplasma pneumoniae 폐렴이 많이 발생되고 있어서 3세 이하에서의 Mycoplasma pneumoniae 폐렴의 임상적 특성을 알아보고자 하였다. 방 법 : 1994년 1월부터 1997년 12월까지 4년간 경희대학교 부속병원 소아과에 입원한 환아 중 Mycoplasma pneumoniae 폐렴으로 진단된 3세 이하 환아 30명을 대상으로 의무기록 을 후향적으로 조사하여 임상양상, 혈청학적 소견, 방사선 소견, 합병증 및 치료 효과를 비교 분석 하였다. 결 과 : 1) 3세 이하에서 폐렴으로 입원한 환아 235명중 30명(12.7%)이 Mycoplasma pneumoniae 폐렴이었고 남녀비는 1.3 : 1로 남아에서 다소 높았다. 2) 발생시기는 여름 및 가을, 초겨울에 걸쳐 넓게 분포하였고 1994년과 1997년에 호발하였다. 3) 임상증상은 기침, 객담, 발열 순이었고, 그 외 콧물, 구토 증세도 나타났으며, 청진소견 상수포음이 26례(86.7%)로 가장 많았고, 그 외에 천명, 호흡음 감소가 나타났다. 4) 방사선 소견상 24례(80.0%)에서 폐침윤을 보였고, 일측성이 13례(43.3%), 양측성이 10 례(33.4%)였고, 흉막삼출이 있었던 경우는 1례(3.3%)였으며, 무기폐를 보인 경우는 없었고, 정상 소견이 6례(20.0%)였다. 6) 혈액검사당 백혈구 수는 정상인 경우가 24례(80.0%)였고, 호중구 증가를 보인 경우는 1례(3.3%)에 불과했으며, 호산구 증가는 10례(33.3%)에서 보였으며, 혈침속도 증가는 56.7%, CRP 양성률은 60.0%였다. 7) 냉응집소치가 양성인 경우는 19례(63.3%)였으며, Mycoplasma 항체치가 양성인 경우는 27례(90.0%)로 Mycoplasma 항체치가 더 높은 양성률을 보였으며 두 검사간 상관관계는 없었다. 또한 13례를 대상으로 시행한 Mycoplasma PCR 검사상 12례(92.3%)에서 양성반응을 보여 Mycoplasma pneumoniae 폐렴의 진단에 유용한 검사로 생각되나 이에 대한 임상적용 은 앞으로 더 연구되어야 할 것으로 사료된다. 8) 합병증으로는 피부발진 3례(10.0%)와 흉막삼출 1례(3.3%), 관절통 1례(3.3%)가 발생되었으나 경증이었고 후유증 없이 모두 완쾌되었다. 결 론 : Mycoplasma pneumoniae 폐렴은 3세 이하에서도 드물지 않게 발생되고 있으며, 임상양상의 특징으로는 방사선상 폐침윤이 없는 경우가 많고 합병증 발생이 적으며 증세가 경미하여 회복이 빠른 것 등이다. 3세 이하 폐렴 환아 중 진단되지 않고 누락된 환아가 다수 있을 것으로 생각되며 이 환아들을 포함하면 실제 발생률은 더 높을 것으로 사료된다.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• 제49권5호
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• pp.347-357
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• 2016

한국인의 최근 커피소비의 급격한 증가는 카페인의 과다 섭취로 이어지고 이는 칼슘흡수를 낮춰 골밀도 저하를 야기할 수 있다. 이에 본 연구에서는 한국 폐경 후 여성 커피소비자에서 우유섭취 여부가 골밀도에 차이를 가져올 수 있는지 파악하고자 국민건강영양조사 제4기 2, 3차년도(2008년, 2009년) 자료를 이용하여 50세 이상 폐경 후 여성을 대상으로 갑상선장애, 만성질환, 암을 진단받거나 치료받는 자, 골다공증 치료를 받는자와 여성호르몬제 복용자를 제외한 1,373명의 자료를 분석하였다. 커피와 우유 섭취 여부에 따라 커피는 섭취하나 우유를 섭취하지 않는군 (커피군), 커피와 우유를 모두 섭취하는군 (커피 우유군), 커피를 섭취하지 않으면서 우유를 섭취하는군 (우유군), 커피와 우유를 모두 섭취하지 않는군 (비섭취군)의 네 군으로 분류하고 부위별 골밀도와 영양상태를 비교하였다. 모든 자료는 해당 년도의 가중치를 적용한 후 일반선형모델을 사용하였고, 골밀도 비교시에는 연령, 체질량지수, 신체활동, 음주, 흡연, 칼슘섭취량을 보정하여 분석하였다. 유의성은 ${\alpha}=0.05$ 수준에서 검토하였다. 1) 전체 대상자 중 커피 우유군은 65세미만의 젊은 층이 많고 교육수준과 소득수준이 높고, 도시 거주자가 많았다. 반면에 비섭취군과 커피군은 65세 이상이 많고 교육수준과 소득수준이 낮으며 읍 면 거주자가 많았다. 커피 우유군에서 음주자의 비율이 높았으나, 신체적 활동 정도나 흡연에서는 군 간에 차이가 나타나지 않았다. 2) 총대퇴골과 요추부위의 골밀도 및 T-score값은 커피 우유군에서 세 군에 비해 가장 높았고 우유군, 커피군의 순으로 높았으며, 비섭취군에서 가장 낮았다. T-score값으로 골 건강상태를 판정하였을 때 유의성은 나타나지 않았으나, 커피 우유군에 골밀도 정상 해당자가 많고 우유군, 커피군이 그 뒤를 이었고, 비섭취군에 골다공증 해당자가 많이 나타나는 경향을 보였다. 3) 허리둘레를 제외하고는 체중, 신장, 체질량지수, 제지방조직량이 커피 우유군에서 모두 높았다. 반면에 커피군은 커피 우유군에 비해 이들 체위계측치가 모두 낮았고, 또한 우유군에 비해 신장은 낮고 체중은 높아 체질량지수가 높고 허리둘레도 높은 대신 제지방량은 낮았다. 우유군은 네군 중 체질량지수와 허리둘레가 가장 낮고 제지방량은 커피 우유군 다음으로 높았다. 비섭취군은 네군 중 체중, 신장, 제지방량이 가장 낮았고 허리둘레는 가장 높았다. 혈청부갑상선호르몬 농도는 비섭취군에서 높았고 우유군에서 가장 낮았다. 4) 커피 우유군은 대다수 식품군의 섭취 빈도가 다른 세군에 비해 높았다. 우유군은 총곡류와 우유류를 제외하고 대다수 식품군의 섭취빈도가 커피 우유군에 비해 낮았으나, 육 난류, 어류, 버섯류와 과일류는 커피 우유군에 필적하는 수준이었고 커피군에 비해서는 대다수 식품군에서 더 높은 섭취빈도를 나타내었다. 영양소섭취상태는 조사대상 영양소 중 나트륨과 칼륨에서만 유의성이 없었을 뿐, 칼슘을 포함하여 에너지, 단백질과 인, 철분, 비타민 C와 지방에너지비가 두 우유군 (커피 우유군과 우유군)에서 비슷하게 높았고, 5개 영양소의 평균 영양소적정섭취비 (MAR) 역시 두 우유군에서 높았다. 반면에 커피군과 비섭취군은 다수 식품군의 섭취빈도가 낮게 나타났고 미량 영양소의 섭취 수준도 상대적으로 낮았다. 이상의 연구결과에서 한국 폐경 여성 커피 섭취자에서 커피 비섭취자에 비하여 골밀도가 높은 것으로 나타났으며, 특히 커피와 우유를 함께 섭취한 군이 커피 단독군에 비해, 또 커피를 안 마시고 우유만 섭취하는 군에 비해 골밀도도 높고 체위와 체조성과 무기질 및 전반적인 영양상태가 양호한 것으로 나타났으며, 커피 단독군에 비해, 우유만 섭취하는 군이 골밀도와 체조성 및 영양섭취상태가 모두 양호한 결과를 보였다. 결론적으로 한국 폐경여성에서 우유를 포함한 다양한 식품군과 균형잡힌 영양섭취를 하는 경우, 단순히 커피 섭취가 골밀도에 영향을 주는 것 같지는 않다.

• Asia pacific journal of information systems
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• 제23권4호
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• pp.53-84
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• 2013

With rapid development of ICT (Information and Communications Technology), new services by the convergence of mobile network and application technology began to appear. Today, smart phone with new ICT convergence network capabilities is exceedingly popular and very useful as a new tool for the development of business opportunities. Previous studies based on Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) suggested critical factors, which should be considered for acquiring new customers and maintaining existing users in smart phone market. However, they had a limitation to focus on technology acceptance, not value based approach. Prior studies on customer's adoption of electronic utilities like smart phone product showed that the antecedents such as the perceived benefit and the perceived sacrifice could explain the causality between what is perceived and what is acquired over diverse contexts. So, this research conceptualizes perceived value as a trade-off between perceived benefit and perceived sacrifice, and we need to research the perceived value to grasp user's continuous intention to use of smart phone. The purpose of this study is to investigate the structured relationship between benefit (quality, usefulness, playfulness) and sacrifice (technicality, cost, security risk) of smart phone users, perceived value, and continuous intention to use. In addition, this study intends to analyze the differences between two subgroups of smart phone users by the degree of personal innovativeness. Personal innovativeness could help us to understand the moderating effect between how perceptions are formed and continuous intention to use smart phone. This study conducted survey through e-mail, direct mail, and interview with smart phone users. Empirical analysis based on 330 respondents was conducted in order to test the hypotheses. First, the result of hypotheses testing showed that perceived usefulness among three factors of perceived benefit has the highest positive impact on perceived value, and then followed by perceived playfulness and perceived quality. Second, the result of hypotheses testing showed that perceived cost among three factors of perceived sacrifice has significantly negative impact on perceived value, however, technicality and security risk have no significant impact on perceived value. Also, the result of hypotheses testing showed that perceived value has significant direct impact on continuous intention to use of smart phone. In this regard, marketing managers of smart phone company should pay more attention to improve task efficiency and performance of smart phone, including rate systems of smart phone. Additionally, to test the moderating effect of personal innovativeness, this research conducted multi-group analysis by the degree of personal innovativeness of smart phone users. In a group with high level of innovativeness, perceived usefulness has the highest positive influence on perceived value than other factors. Instead, the analysis for a group with low level of innovativeness showed that perceived playfulness was the highest positive factor to influence perceived value than others. This result of the group with high level of innovativeness explains that innovators and early adopters are able to cope with higher level of cost and risk, and they expect to develop more positive intentions toward higher performance through the use of an innovation. Also, hedonic behavior in the case of the group with low level of innovativeness aims to provide self-fulfilling value to the users, in contrast to utilitarian perspective, which aims to provide instrumental value to the users. However, with regard to perceived sacrifice, both groups in general showed negative impact on perceived value. Also, the group with high level of innovativeness had less overall negative impact on perceived value compared to the group with low level of innovativeness across all factors. In both group with high level of innovativeness and with low level of innovativeness, perceived cost has the highest negative influence on perceived value than other factors. Instead, the analysis for a group with high level of innovativeness showed that perceived technicality was the positive factor to influence perceived value than others. However, the analysis for a group with low level of innovativeness showed that perceived security risk was the second high negative factor to influence perceived value than others. Unlike previous studies, this study focuses on influencing factors on continuous intention to use of smart phone, rather than considering initial purchase and adoption of smart phone. First, perceived value, which was used to identify user's adoption behavior, has a mediating effect among perceived benefit, perceived sacrifice, and continuous intention to use smart phone. Second, perceived usefulness has the highest positive influence on perceived value, while perceived cost has significant negative influence on perceived value. Third, perceived value, like prior studies, has high level of positive influence on continuous intention to use smart phone. Fourth, in multi-group analysis by the degree of personal innovativeness of smart phone users, perceived usefulness, in a group with high level of innovativeness, has the highest positive influence on perceived value than other factors. Instead, perceived playfulness, in a group with low level of innovativeness, has the highest positive factor to influence perceived value than others. This result shows that early adopters intend to adopt smart phone as a tool to make their job useful, instead market followers intend to adopt smart phone as a tool to make their time enjoyable. In terms of marketing strategy for smart phone company, marketing managers should pay more attention to identify their customers' lifetime value by the phase of smart phone adoption, as well as to understand their behavior intention to accept the risk and uncertainty positively. The academic contribution of this study primarily is to employ the VAM (Value-based Adoption Model) as a conceptual foundation, compared to TAM (Technology Acceptance Model) used widely by previous studies. VAM is useful for understanding continuous intention to use smart phone in comparison with TAM as a new IT utility by individual adoption. Perceived value dominantly influences continuous intention to use smart phone. The results of this study justify our research model adoption on each antecedent of perceived value as a benefit and a sacrifice component. While TAM could be widely used in user acceptance of new technology, it has a limitation to explain the new IT adoption like smart phone, because of customer behavior intention to choose the value of the object. In terms of theoretical approach, this study provides theoretical contribution to the development, design, and marketing of smart phone. The practical contribution of this study is to suggest useful decision alternatives concerned to marketing strategy formulation for acquiring and retaining long-term customers related to smart phone business. Since potential customers are interested in both benefit and sacrifice when evaluating the value of smart phone, marketing managers in smart phone company has to put more effort into creating customer's value of low sacrifice and high benefit so that customers will continuously have higher adoption on smart phone. Especially, this study shows that innovators and early adopters with high level of innovativeness have higher adoption than market followers with low level of innovativeness, in terms of perceived usefulness and perceived cost. To formulate marketing strategy for smart phone diffusion, marketing managers have to pay more attention to identify not only their customers' benefit and sacrifice components but also their customers' lifetime value to adopt smart phone.

• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• 제16권2호
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• pp.1-41
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• 1988

톱밥을 보드에 활용(活用)하기 위한 방안(方案)으로서, 톱밥자체의 약(弱)한 결집력(結集力)과 치수불량성(不良性)을 개선(改善)하기 위하여 비(非) 목질계(木質系) 재료(材料)인 폴리프로필렌 사(絲)칩과 배향사(配向絲)를 혼합(混合) 결체(結締)함에 다른 보드의 기초성질(基礎性質)로서 물리적(物理的) 기계적(機械的) 성질(性質)을 고찰(考察)하였는 바, 현재(現在) 제재용(製材用)으로 많이 이용(利用)되고 있는 나왕재(羅王材)(white meranti)의 톱밥에 개질재료(改質材料)로서 비(非) 목질(木質) 계(系) 플라스틱 물질(物質)인 폴리프로필렌 사(絲)를 칩상(狀) 또는 배향사(配向絲)의 형태(形態)로 조제(調製)하여 일반(一般) 성형법(成型法)을 적용(適用)함으로써 톱밥과 결체(結締) 구성(構成)한 톱밥보드를 제조(製造)하였다. 12 및 15%로 하여 구성(構成)하였다. 배향사(配向絲)는 보드폭방향(幅方向)으로 0.5, 1.0 및 1.5cm의 일정(一定)한 간격(間隔)으로 배열(配列)하였다. 위의 조건(條件)에 의(依)해 단(單) 2 3층(層)으로 각기(各己) 구분(區分)제조된 사(絲)칩 또는 배향사(配向絲) 구성(構成) 톱밥보드의 물리적(物理的) 및 기계적(機械的) 성질(性質)을 구명(究明)하였는 바, 그 주요(主要)한 결론(結論)을 요약(要約)하면 다음과 같다. 1. 사(絲)칩 혼합(混合) 단층구성(單層構成)보드의 두께 팽창율(膨脹率)은 톱잡대조(對照)보드의 팽창율보다 모두 낮았다. 사(絲)칩 함량(含量)을 증가(增加) 시킴에 따라서 두께 팽창율은 점차(漸次) 감소(減少)하는 경향이 뚜렷하였다. 한편, 2층구성(層構成)보드는 단층(單層) 구성(構成)보드보다 높은 팽창율을 나타냈으나 대부분이 톱밥대조(對照)보드 보다 팽창율이 낮았다. 3층(層)으로 사(絲)칩구성(構成)한 보드는 톱밥대조(對照)보드보다도 모두 낮은 두께 팽창율을 나타냈다. 2. 사(絲)칩 배향사(配向絲) 구성(構成)보드의 두께 팽창율은 0.5cm 배향간격에서 사(絲)칩함량(含量) 12%와 15%의 길이 1.0cm와 1.5cm로 구성함으로써 단층(單層) 및 3층구성(層構成)보드의 최저치(最低値)보다 더 낮았다. 3. 단층구성(單層構成)보드의 휨강도는 비중(比重) 0.51 구성(構成)보드의 경우 사(絲)칩함량(含量) 3%에서 톱밥대조)對照)보드보다 높은 강도를 나타냈으나, KS F 3104 의 파티클보드 100타입 기준(基準) 값인 80 kgf/$cm^2$에 훨씬 못 미쳤다. 그러나 비중(比重) 0.63 구성(構成)보드에서 함량(含量) 6%의 길이 1.5cm 사(絲)칩 구성과 함량(含量)3% 의 모든 사(絲)칩 길이로 구성한 보드, 그리고 비중(比重) 0.72의 모든 사(絲)칩 구성보드는 KS F 기준값을 훨씬 상회(上廻) 하였다. 2층구성(層構成)보드의 휨강도는 톱밥대조(對照)보드보다도 사(絲)칩구성의 경우 모두 낮았으며 단층구성(單層構成)보드의 휨강도보다도 낮은 값을 나타냈다. 3층구성(層構成)보드의 휨강도는 사(絲)칩 함량(含量) 9% 이하(以下)의 길이 1.5cm 구성보드는 모두 톱밥대조(對照)보드보다 높은 값을 나타냈으며 KSF 기준값을 훨씬 상회(上廻) 하였다. 4. 배향사구성(配向絲構成) 톱밥보드의 경우(境遇), 배향간격(配向間隔)이 좁은 0.5cm에서 가장 높은 휨강도를 나타냈으며, 배향간격이 보다 넓은 1.0cm 와 1.5cm 구성(構成)에서는 휨 강도가 0.5cm 간격 보다 낮았다. 그러나 배향사구성(配向絲構成) 톱밥보드는 모두 톱밥대조(對照)보드 보다 높은 휨강도를 나타냈다. 5. 사(絲칩) 배향사(配向絲) 구성 보드의 휨강도는 거의 대부분(大部分)의 구성보드에서 톱밥대조(對照)보드보다 높은 값을 나타냈으며 KSF 기준값을 훨씬 상회(上廻) 하였다. 특(特)히 배향간격이 좁고, 길이가 긴 사(絲)칩으로 구성한 보드의 휨강도가 높은 값을 나타냈다. 그리고 사(絲)칩을 배향사(配向絲)와 혼합(混合) 구성(構成)할 때 배향사의 간격이 넓어짐에 따라 톱밥과 배향사(配向絲)만으로 구성한 보드보다도 휨 강도가 높아지는 현상(現象)이 나타났다. 6. 단층(單層), 2층(層) 및 3층(層) 구성(構成) 보드의 탄성계수는 대부분(大部分) 톱밥대조(對照)보드 보다 낮은 값을 나타냈다. 그러나 배향사(配向絲) 구성(構成) 톱밥보드에 있어서는, 배향 간격이 0.5, 1.0, 1.5crn로 됨에 따라서 톱밥대조(對照)보드보다도 각각(各各) 20%, 18%, 10% 탄성계수가 증가(增加)되었다. 7. 사(絲)칩 배향사(配向絲) 구성(構成) 보드의 탄성계수(彈性係數)는 배향간격 0.5crn, 1.0cm 및 1.5crn에서 거의 모두 톱밥대조(對照)보드보드보다도 훨씬 높은 값을 나타냈다. 그리고 함량(含量)9% 이하(以下)에서 사(絲)칩길이를 0.5cm이상(以上)으로 구성하였을 때 배향사(配向絲)만을 구성한 톱밥보드보다도 탄성계수가 높아지는 현상(現象)이 나타났는데, 배향(配向)간격이 좁은 경우 사(絲)칩결체(結締)에 의(依)한 탄성계수(彈性係數) 증가효과(增加效果)가 컸다. 8. 사(絲)칩 혼합(混合) 단층구성(單層構成) 보드의 박리저항(剝離抵抗)은 톱밥대조(對照)보드 보다 모두 낮았다. 그러나 비중(比重) 0.63의 사(絲)칩 구성보드는 KS F 3104의 100타입 기준 값인 1.5kgf/$cm^2$를 모두 상회(上廻) 하였고, 비중(比重) 0.72의 사(絲)칩 구성보드는 200타입의 기준값 3kgf/$cm^2$를 상회(上廻)하는 박리저항(剝離抵抗)을 나타냈다. 2층(層), 3층(層) 및 배향구성(配向構成)도 거의 모두 200타입의 기준값 3kgf/$cm^2$를 상회(上廻) 하였다. 9. 단층구성(單層構成)보드의 나사못유지력(維持力)은 사(絲)칩을 혼합 구성한 경우, 대체(大體)로 톱밥대조(對照)보드보다도 낮은 값을 나타냈다. 그러나, 2층(層) 및 3층구성(層構成)보드에서는 사(絲)칩 구성(構成)에 따른 감소경향(減少傾向)이 나타나지 않고 대체로 고른 나사못 유지력을 나타냈다. 또한, 사(絲)칩 배향사(配向絲) 구성(構成)보드에서는 사(絲)칩함량(含量) 9% 이하(以下)에서 거의 모두 톱밥대조(對照)보드 보다도 높은 나사못 유지력을 나타냈다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.