• 제목/요약/키워드: GROUND/POWER PLAN

검색결과 41건 처리시간 0.031초

순환수취수펌프장 내의 흐름에 대한 수리 및 수치모형실험 (Hydraulic and Numerical Model Experiments of Flows in Circulation-Water-Pump Chambers)

  • 이용곤;정상화;김창완
    • 한국수자원학회논문집
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    • 제38권8호
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    • pp.631-643
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    • 2005
  • 신설될 복합화력발전소 취수펌프장 계획안에 대하여 수치 및 수리모형실험을 수행하고 순환수취수펌프운영에 문제를 발생시킬 가능성이 발견되면 개선안을 도출하는 것이 본 연구의 목적이다. 수리모형은 1:20의 크기로 아크릴을 이용하여 제작되었고 2차원 수치모형실험은 RMA2모형을 이용하였다. 수리 및 수치모형실험의 결과를 평가하기 위하여 취수로 및 취수펌프장내 흐름에 대한 평가기준을 설정하였다. 복합화력발전소 취수펌프장의 계획안에 대한 2차원 수치모형실험을 통하여 얻어진 연직방향 와도를 수리모형실험결과와 비교하여 흐름평가기준의 하나인 와류발생 가능성을 평가하였다. 계획안은 취수펌프장내에서 큰 규모의 와류가 발생하여 순환수취수펌프운영에 문제를 발생시킬 수 있을 것으로 판단되었다. 이에 따라서 9개 개선안이 고안되어 수치모의되었다. 9개중 4개의 개선안에 대하여 수리모형실험이 수행되었다. 수리모형실험에 근거하여 4개의 개선안의 하나가 최종개선안으로 제시되었다. 공간적인 제약조건이 있는 순환수취수펌프장 및 취수로 설계의 경우 격벽과 도류벽을 이용하면 순환수취수펌프장의 흐름상황을 개선할 수 있는 것으로 나타났다.

한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로- (The lesson From Korean War)

  • 윤일영
    • 안보군사학연구
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    • 통권8호
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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시설토마토에서 황색트랩을 이용한 담배가루이 표본조사법 (Sampling Plan for Bemisia tabaci Adults by Using Yellow-color Sticky Traps in Tomato Greenhouses)

  • 송정흡;이광주;양영택;이신찬
    • 한국응용곤충학회지
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    • 제53권4호
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    • pp.375-380
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    • 2014
  • 담배가루이, Bemisia tabaci는 바이러스병의 매개로 인해 제주지역 시설재배 토마토에서 가장 중요한 해충으로 인식되고 있다. 황색끈끈이 트랩을 이용한 담배가루이 성충의 실용적인 발생밀도 추정방법을 개발하기 위하여 2011과 2012년 제주 서부지역의 농가재배 토마토 포장에서 포장 상황에 따라 20~30개의 트랩을 설치하여 7~10일 간격으로 조사하였다. 황색끈끈이트랩을 지상 60 cm 높이에 수평방향으로 설치한 것이 작물 상단 10 cm 위에 수직으로 설치한 것보다 더 많은 담배가루이가 유인되었다. 황색끈끈이트랩에 유인된 담배가루이 성충의 분포형태를 Taylor's power law (TPL)과 Iwao's patchiness regression (IPR)을 이용 분석한 결과 두 회귀식의 기울기값이 모두 "1"보다 커 담배가루이 성충이 집중분포를 하고 있었다. TPL의 결정계수($r^2$)값이 IPR보다 더 높아 TPL이 담배가루이 성충의 공간분포 특성을 더 잘 설명하고 있었다. 담배가루이 성충 밀도를 추정하는데 필요한 황색끈끈이트랩의 수를 TPL 상수를 이용하여 추정하였는데 정확도 수준이 높을수록, 평균밀도가 낮을수록 필요한 트랩수는 증가하는 경향이었다. TPL 상수를 이용하여 고정 정확도 수준에서 조사를 중지하더라도 트랩당 평균밀도를 추정이 가능한 누적밀도를 계산하였다. 담배가루이 성충의 방제시기를 트랩 최고 밀도 10마리로 가정했을 때 이 밀도에서 필요한 포장당 트랩수는 고정정확도 0.25수준에서 15개이었다. 담배가루이 성충의 트랩당 평균밀도는 트랩마다 모든 성충수를 계수하는 것보다 2마리 이상 유인된 트랩의 비율을 가지고 추정하는 이항모델 [${\ln}(m)=1.19+0.90{\ln}(-{\ln}(1-p_T))$]을 이용하는 것이 더 효율적이었다. 본 연구결과는 담배가루이 성충에 대한 정확한 방제의사 결정을 통해 담배가루이가 매개하는 바이러스병 확산을 막는데 일조할 것으로 기대된다.

건물과 수목의 그림자에 의한 도시의 열 분포 산정 및 저감효과 연구 (Estimating the urban radiation heat flux distribution and the reduction effect of building and tree shade)

  • 박채연;이동근;윤준하
    • 한국환경복원기술학회지
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    • 제21권6호
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2018
  • Mapping radiation heat flux of urban area is essential for urban design and landscape planning. Because controlling urban geometry and generating green space are important urban design strategies for reducing urban heat, urban planner and designer need to recognize the micro urban heat distribution for adequate urban planning. This study suggests a new methodology for mapping urban radiation heat flux in a micro scale considering buildings and trees' shade. For doing that, firstly, we calculate net radiation for each urban surfaces (building, road (not shaded, building shaded, tree shaded), ground (not shaded, building shaded, tree shaded), tree (not shaded, building shaded)). Then, by multiplying the area ratio of surfaces to the net radiation, we can obtain the radiation heat flux in micro-scale. The estimated net radiation results were found to be robust with a $R^2$ of 90%, which indicates a strong explanatory power of the model. The radiation heat flux map for 12h $17^{th}$ August explains that areas under the building and tree have lower net radiation heat flux, indicating that shading is a good strategy for reducing incident radiation. This method can be used for developing thermal friendly urban plan.

행정사건에 대한 ADR의 적용에 관한 법이론적 고찰 (An Legal-doctrine Investigation into the Application of ADR to Administrative Cases)

  • 이용우
    • 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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    • 제13권2호
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    • pp.459-488
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    • 2004
  • General interest in the out-of-court dispute resolution system are mounting in Korea, and the spread of ADR(alternative dispute resolution) is the worldwide trend. In addition, it was confirmed that the resolution of disputes by ADR such as the decision based on arbitration made by the Prime Ministerial Administrative Decision Committee is no longer in exclusive possession of the civil case. The activation of ADR could lead to the smooth agreement between parties by getting away from the once-for-all mode of decision such as the dismissal of the application or the cancellation of disposal and the like in relation to administrative cases for the years. In consequence, it is anticipated that the administrative litigation that applicants have filed by not responding to the administrative decision would greatly reduce in the future. But, it would be urgent to provide for the legal ground of the ADR system through the revision of related laws to take root in our society because ADR has no legal binding power relating to the administrative case due to the absence of its legal grounds. The fundamental reason for having hesitated to introduce ADR in relation to the administrative case for the years is the protective interest of the third party as well as the public interest that would follow in case the agreement on the dispute resolution between parties brings the dispute to a termination in the domain of the public law. The disputes related to the contract based on the public law and the like that take on a judicial character as the administrative act have been settled within the province of ADR by applying the current laws such as the Civil Arbitration Law, Mediation Law, but their application to the administrative act of the administrative agency that takes on a character of the public law has been hesitated. But as discussed earlier, there are laws and regulations that has the obscure distinction between public and private laws. But there is no significant advantage in relation to the distinction between public and private laws. To supplement and cure these defects it is necessary to include the institutional arrangement for protection of the rights and benefits of the third party, for example the provision of the imposition of the binding power on the result of ADR between parties, in enacting its related law. It can be said that the right reorganization of the out-of-court dispute resolution system in relation to the administrative case corresponds with the ideology of public administration for cooperaton in the Administrative Law. It is high time to discuss within what realm the out-of-court dispute resolution system, alternative dispute resolution system, can be accepted and what binding power is imposed on its result, not whether it is entirely introduced into the administrative case. It is thought that the current Civil Mediation Law or Arbitration Law provides the possibility of applying arbitration or mediation only to the civil case, thereby opening the possibility of arbitration in the field of the intellectual property right law. For instance, the act of the state is not required in establishing the rights related to the secret of business or copyrights. Nevertheless, the disputes arising from or in connection with the intellectual property rights law is seen as the administrative case, and they are excluded from the object of arbitration or mediation, which is thought to be improper. This is not an argument for unconditionally importing ADR into the resolution of administrative cases. Most of the Korean people are aware that the administrative litigation system is of paramount importance as the legal relief for administrative cases. Seeing that there is an independent administrative decision system based on the Administrative Decision Law other than administrative litigation in relation to administrative cases, the first and foremost task is the necessity for the shift in thinking of people, followed by consideration of the plan for relief of the rights through the improvement of the administrative decision system. Then, it is necessary to formulate the plan for the formal introduction and activation of ADR. In this process, energetic efforts should be devoted to introducing diverse forms of ADR procedures such as settlement conference, case evaluation, mini-trial, summary jury trial, early neutral evaluation adopted in the US as the method of dispute resolution other than compromise, conciliation, arbitration and mediation

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건설현장 근로의 양질화를 위한 정책적 개선 방안 (Policymaking Improvement Strategy for Fine Laboring Ability of Construction Works)

  • 윤태형;이수용
    • 한국건설관리학회논문집
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    • 제13권2호
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    • pp.37-47
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    • 2012
  • 우리 건설 산업의 국가전체산업 대비 기여현황을 살펴보면 제조업 대비 45%정도의 종사인원이나 산업생산 유발계수가 제조업과 거의 대등하고 부가가치 유발계수는 제조업보다 훨씬 높다. 이러한 건설 산업의 현장생산직 근로자들이 겪고 있는 열악한 근로실태와 개인 삶에 대한 현황을 조명하여 우리사회 구성원으로서의 동반자로서, 또 건설 직업인으로서 긍지를 갖고 직무에 충실할 수 있도록 정부와 업계가 함께 노력하여, 그들의 위상을 강화시킴으로서 한 차원 높은 건설생산문화가 유발될 수 있고 업계의 세계화에 따른 경쟁력 향상에도 이바지하게 될 것이다. 이러한 건설생산직 근로자들을 위한 전문적인 교육 훈련, 신분보장, 자격제도 확립, 사회보험혜택, 안정적 임금수령, 작업환경개선 등 전문 직업인으로서의 자부심을 가질 수 있는 제도화된 환경을 통하여 그동안의 실적위주 정량적 건설에서 정성적 건설로 변화하는 기틀을 마련하도록 하여야한다. 우리나라의 행복지수는 100점 만점기준 67.8점으로 OECD 30개 국가 중 25위에 그친다. 건설현장 근로의 보다나은 양질화를 유도하기 위하여 현장생산직 근로자들의 직업 및 사회적 자기만족도 향상을 위한 대책으로서 기존관습에서 탈피하여 개선시켜야하는 문제요소들을 도출, 정부와 업계가 함께 노력하여 점차 세계화되고 있는 우리건설업계의 국제경쟁력에 이바지할 수 있는 차원 높은 건설생산인력으로 변화시킬 수 있도록 해야 한다.

关于东北亚地区内 "建设性的微边主义, 小区域主义" 制度 建设的必要性和效果的研究 -以韩国的视角为中心 - (A Study on the necessity and Effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia: Focused on Korean perspective)

  • Kim, Jaekwan
    • 분석과 대안
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    • 제4권1호
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    • pp.63-87
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    • 2020
  • This article not only theoretically explores the necessity and effect of constructive minilateralism and subregionalism in Northeast Asia, but also delves into a series of practical solutions from viewpoint of seeking common ground while reserving differences in this region. The main contents are as follows: First, the various obstacles that hinder the formation of regionalism, subregionalism and minilateralism in the Northeast Asia are discussed. That is to say, geopolitical realism, My Country First ideology, exclusive nationalism in the socio-historical context, and North Korea's latest provocations, etc. Second, this article explores the philosophy and basic principles of realizing Northeast Asia regionalism and minilateralism. Third, in the 21st century, Northeast Asia becomes the center of the world. It examines the core points, controversial focus and platform for building sub regionalism in the region. Finally, based on the institutional platform such as minilateralism and sub regionalism, the various ideas and practical plans of cross-border cooperation among major countries in Northeast Asia were discussed. Because there are a lot of obstacles, so first of all it is more appropriate to promote economic or functional minilateralism or sub regionalism than multilateral cooperation. In order to promote the formation of regionalism and minilateralism in Northeast Asia, the issues to be considered are as follows: First, for the sake of leading regional solidarity and minilateral economic cooperation, it is advisable for China, as a regional economic power, to implement a stable and responsible diplomacy. Secondly, regional solidarity based on credible politics and security should be promoted for a long time beyond the level of economic cooperation. Third, the primary prerequisite for the realization of Northeast Asian regionalism is that in the process of denuclearization of North Korea, the stability and peace mechanism of the Korean Peninsula should be established. Fourth, with the continued hegemonic competition between the United States and China in Northeast Asia, under the circumstance that countries in the region are pushed into so-called "East Asian Paradox", it is profoundly important for them to consider transition from the hostile relationship as the "Thucydides trap" to the order of "coexistence" in which competition and cooperation run side by side, and the two countries should explore a conversion plan for the foreign policy line. This mutual cooperation and peaceful coexistence of the US-China relationship will create a friendly atmosphere for the formation of regionalism in Northeast Asia. In the future, the cooperation of minilateralism in Northeast Asia will break the existing conflict between the maritime forces and the continental forces in order to promote peace. And along with the philosophy that "peace is economy", recent policies of common prosperity as the framework, such as China's "Belt and Road Initiative", North Korea's "Special Zone and Development Zone Policy", Russia's "New Eastern Policy", Japan's participation in the Belt and Road Initiative and South Korea's The "Korean Peninsula New Economy Map" are organically linked and it should promote the so-called "networked regionalism".

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한반도 도서지역의 난온대림 식생유형 특징 및 복원전략 (Characteristics and Restoration Strategies of Warm-Temperate Forests Vegetation Types in Island Area on the Korean Peninsula)

  • 강현미;강지우;성찬용;박석곤
    • 한국환경생태학회지
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    • 제36권5호
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    • pp.507-524
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    • 2022
  • 우리나라 난온대 도서지역을 광범위하게 조사해 TWINSPAN분석을 통해 식생을 유형화한 후에 유형별 입지환경과 군집구조 특성을 밝혔다. 이를 바탕으로 식생유형별 복원전략을 도출하여 난온대림 복원계획의 방향성을 제시하고자 했다. 식생유형은 명료하게 8개로 나뉘었는데 군락 I~IV는 후박나무, 구실잣밤나무 등이 우점한 양호한 상록활엽수림 이었다. 반면, 군락 V~VIII은 곰솔림과 낙엽활엽수림, 인공조림지로 난온대 지역의 퇴행천이 식생이었다. DCA분석 결과로 도출된 환경요인은 해발고(최한월 평균기온)와 해안선에서 거리(내염성)였다. 2가지 환경요인에 따라 후박나무림, 구실잣밤나무림, 가시나무류림 유형으로 난온대림 분포패턴이 명료해졌다. 3가지 식생유형을 복원대상지의 입지환경을 고려해 복원목표 식생으로 적용하는 것이 합리적이다. 군락 V~VIII에는 곰솔, 낙엽활엽수 등이 수관층을 형성했는데 종자 확장력이 강한 상록활엽수종이 하층에 빈번하게 출현해, 상록활엽수림으로 식생천이 가능성이 컸다. 도서지역에 산림이 사라진 황폐지는 협소하지만, 곰솔림과 낙엽활엽수림 등의 퇴행천이된 식생이 대면적을 이룬다. 이곳을 상록활엽수림으로 갱신하는 복원전략이 탄소중립 실현과 생물다양성 증진 측면에서 효과성이 더 클 수 있다.

동·서양 해자(垓字)의 역사와 문화적 해석 (An Historical and Cultural Analysis on the Eastern and Western Moat)

  • 정용조;심우경
    • 한국전통조경학회지
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    • 제29권1호
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    • pp.105-120
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    • 2011
  • 해자란 성벽 외곽에 파 놓은 못 또는 물길로 적이 성벽에 직접 접근할 수 없도록 하거나 이를 경계로 공간을 구분하고자 설치된 시설의 하나로, 고대로부터 중세에 이르기까지 동 서양에서 존재하였으나 현재는 사라져 가고 있다. 그러나 군사적 방어 기능으로부터 공간을 구분하는 경계 수단으로, 지반을 다지는 중요한 역할을 하였으며, 역사적으로 고대로부터 중세, 유럽, 아시아, 미국 등에서 존재하였다. 또한 해자는 물을 이용한 다양한 문화 활동과 동물들의 서식처 장소를 제공하는 등 역사와 문화적 가치가 큰 공간임에도 불구하고, 복원 계획에 있어 해자의 복원에 대한 고려가 미비한 실정이다. 본 연구는 동 서양 해자의 역사와 문화적 의미를 해석하여 고대로부터 중세에 이르기까지 존재했던 해자 문화에 대한 이해를 높이고자 하는 연구로 해자의 기원, 시대적 고찰, 사상적 배경, 서양 해자의 역사와 문화, 동양의 한국, 중국, 일본 해자에 대하여 분석한 결과는 다음과 같다. 1. 우리나라의 해자는 고구려 도성뿐만 아니라 신라, 백제의 도성에 모두 존재하였으며, 천연의 해자인 넓은 강을 끼고 적들이 기어오르기 힘든 산 능선을 따라 성을 쌓은 자연적 해자와 성벽 밖에 인공적 해자를 설치하여 적의 접근을 방지하였다. 또한 고려시대와 조선시대에도 해자를 방어적 기능으로 활용하였다. 2. 해자의 설치는 성벽에서 일정한 간격을 두고 넓고 깊게 파는 것이 보통이며, 성의 외곽에만 있는 것이 아니라 내부에도 시설이 설치되었는데, 성 밖에 있는 해자는 방어력을 높이는 것 외에도 지반을 다지는데 중요한 역할을 하였다. 또한 해자는 물이 있어 접근을 제한하며, 낮은 벽이나 담장은 경계를 물리적으로 분리시키지만 해자는 열린 공간으로 시각적 특성을 살려 경계 및 방어 수단을 가지면서 멀리 떨어진 산봉우리나 근처의 나무도 정원 안으로 차경할 수 있게 한다. 3. 낙안읍성은 풍수지리적으로 청룡(동천)의 기가 드센 관계로 청룡의 흐름을 "S"자로 꺾어 흐르게 함으로써 기를 꺾을 수 있었으며, 몽촌토성은 해자의 복원으로 공원에 풍부한 수경 요소를 제공하는 경관요소로 활용하였다. 성을 둘러싸고 있는 해자는 자연이라는 진경 속에 선조들의 삶과 문화가 공간 속에 설득력 있게 배어든 역사와 문화적 경관이 표상이다. 4. 중국의 자금성 성벽은 찹쌀에 흙을 반죽하여 다져 넣어 매우 견고하며, 해자의 폭은 52m, 깊이는 6m로 자금성 성벽을 에워싸고 있어 적의 접근을 차단할 수 있었다. 5. 일본의 해자는 도시에 있어 수로 역할을 하였으며, 보트놀이, 배낚시, 레스토랑 등의 레저시설이 설치되어 도시민들의 스트레스를 해소하고 삶의 활력을 불어 넣을 수 있었다. 6. 한국의 해자는 중국의 자금성, 일본의 에도성, 오사카성보다 규모가 작으며 동양의 해자는 왕궁이나 읍성을 보호하기 위해 해자를 설치하였으나, 서양에서는 왕이나 영주, 대저택, 부호들의 저택 등을 보호하기 위해 해자를 설치하였다.

우리나라 다목적 공연장의 탄생배경에 관한 소고 (A Brief Review of Backgrounds behind "Multi-Purpose Performance Halls" in South Korea)

  • 김경아
    • 공연문화연구
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    • 제41호
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    • pp.5-38
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    • 2020
  • 이 연구는 군사정권의 권력 전개양상에서 드러나는 문화정책이념이 '다목적 공연장'의 개념형성으로 발현되는 과정을 살펴보는데 있다. 한국의 공연장 현황은 우리나라 공연문화와 깊은 관계가 있다. 각 지방자치단체마다 그 지역을 대표하는 문화예술회관(문예회관)을 중심으로 한국의 공연문화와 향유문화가 깊이 자리 잡고 있기 때문이다. 오늘날 문예회관들은 다목적홀로 운영되고 있으며 운영주체는 절대다수 정부와 지방정부 또는 출자출연기관의 재단법인 등 공공영역에서 운영한다. 따라서 정부와 지방정부의 문화예술정책의 대상이며 제도적 측면과 긴밀한 상관관계를 가지게 된다. 박정희 정권은 초헌법적인 유신을 공포하고 우리나라 문화예술법의 시초라고 할 수 있는 「문화예술진흥법」(1972.9)을 제정한다. 이법을 근거로 「문예중흥5개년계획」(1973)을 수립하고 문화시설들을 짓기 시작했다. 전국의 '문화예술'회관, 또는 '문화'회관이 다목적홀로 지어진 데에는 문화예술진흥법의 "문화예술"에 대한 정의를 "문학, 미술, 음악, 연예 및 출판에 관한 사항"으로 명시함으로써 지금의 '다목적'개념의 근거가 된다. 한편, 문화공보부의 조직직제는 "문화와 예술"을 관장함을 명시하고 대중문화와 예술진흥을 구분 짓는 문화행정체계를 갖춘다. 그러나 이시기 대통령의 연설에 나타난 박정희의 화법은 '문화예술=예술'로 인식하고 있다. 예술은 문화에 포함되는 개념이지만 문화예술=예술로 인식함으로써 정치적 시국이나 시행부서에 따라 그 해석을 달리하였고, 이러한 모호성은 예술이 이데올로기적 활용에 정책적으로 동원되는 기제가 된다. 이러한 배경에서 문화예술진흥법에 근거하고 문화공보부의 관장 하에 1978년 다목적 공연장인 세종문화회관이 개관한다. 그러나 제도상의 문화예술=다목적과 설립을 추진했던 정부조직의 문화≠예술, 권력이 인식했던 문화예술=예술은 대중음악의 대관문제를 두고 가치충돌로 표출된다. 1979년 12·12사태로 정권을 장악한 신군부는 민족문화를 앞세운 국풍81을 통해 저항세력을 체제 안으로 끌어들이고자 했다. 정권의 의도는 실패하였고, 저항과 지지의 양축에서 국민적 지지를 확보하는 방안으로 국민의 문화향유 기회확대 정책에 방점을 둔다. 이는 앞 정권의 문화예술에 관한 인식의 전환이며 박정희 정권과의 차별화를 추구한 것이다. 전두환 정권에 있어 앞 정권과의 차별성은 곧 정권의 정당성 확보를 의미하는 것이었고 향유기회의 확대는 문화영역의 분배 차원에서 추진되었다. 따라서 장기적인 안목의 예술발전으로 자리매김 되지 못했고 하드웨어의 상징성으로 정권의 정당성 확보를 실현하려고 하였다. 오늘날 다목적 공연장의 개념은 유신체제하에 만들어진 법체계의 "문화예술"의 정의에 기인한 것이며 이를 근거하여 공공 공연장의 운영목적으로 '다목적'의 개념이 탄생한다. 군사정권을 이은 전두환 정권은 프로시니엄 구조의 다목적 공연장을 정권의 정당성 확보의 수단으로 표출하였고, 전국적으로 재생산 되어 오늘날 한국의 공연문화에 중요한 비중을 차지하고 있다.