• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.45
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• pp.127-160
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• 2014

조선은 의례를 국가통치수단으로 적극 활용한 국가였으며, 이는 "세종실록" "오례" 와 "국조오례의"로 대표된다. 그런데, "세종실록" "오례" 와 "국조오례의"에서 국왕 상장례 절차는 모두 수록하고 있는 반면 세자의 상장례에 대해서는 언급하지 않고 있다. 때문에, 조선의 세자 상장례는 조선 최초의 세자 상장례인 의경세자 상장례를 참고하여 진행되었다. 의경세자 상장례의 기본 절차는 국왕 상장례를 따르고 있었으나, 같은 국상이라 하더라도 세자는 왕위계승자의 신분이었기 때문에 국왕과 차별을 두어야 했다. 따라서 세자 상장례는 국왕 상장례에서 한 등급 낮추어 진행되었다. 의경세자의 상장례는 비록 국상 차원에서 이루어졌지만 그 절차 속에 일반 종친 혹은 대부 상장례의 요소들이 확인된다. 이것은 세자의 지위가 사망을 통해 변하고 있음을 시사하는 것으로 국왕과 세자의 차별을 부각시켜왔던 세조대의 고민이 반영된 것으로 보인다.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.237-260
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• 2000

According to the study of Jik-Ryoung(直領) consulting chronicles of the Chosun Era, Jik-Ryoung had been worn for various uses as official outfit, ordinary attire or clothes for the celebration of their coming of age, wedding ceremonies, funeral rites, and religious ceremonies, etc. from the beginning to the end of the Chosun Era. The conclusions are shown briefly as follows. 1. There are several terms of Po(袍) related to Jik-Ryoung in the chronicles under the name of Jik-Ryoung Ui(直領衣), Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung(衣撒直領), and Jik-shin(直身). Jik-Ryoung Ui is the other name of Jik-Ryoung that they called it when it was used for funeral rites and religious ceremonies. The chinese Ye-Sal(曳撒) was called the Ui-Sal Jik-Ryoung in Korea, but this is different with Jik-Ryoung regarding its divided up and bottom style. Jik-Shin is almost same as Jik-Ryoung. 2. During the latter period of the Chosun Era, we can find diferent frequency in use of the Jik-Ryoung. Jik-Ryoung was shown constantly in the cases of that ding, Chinese Prince and lower-level constantly in the cases of that king, Crown Prince and lower-level officials wore it for funeral rites and lower-level officials, artisans, merchants, humbles and slaves wore it for official outfit. Uses of the Jik-Ryoung increased for military officers'outfits, in contrast to decreasing of uses for ordinary attires of king, Crown Prince, and the commons, and official outfits of civil officials. 3. These different aspects mean the change of estate and role. For the basic four ceremonial occasions the ceremonies of coming of age, marriage, funeral, and ancestor memorial-, it appeared constantly. Therefore the social role had been maintained also by then. As an official garb, the role for official uniform of petty official maintained by the end of the Dynasty. But from the latter 1600's to the former 1700's, the roles for official garbs of civil officials and military officers decreased and increased respectively. Before the Hideyoshi's Invasion of Korea in 1592, ordinary social clothes had orders by people's social status who wore them ; those were Dan Ryoung(團領), Hong Jik Ryoung(紅直領), Jik Ryoung(直領), Cho'l Rick(철릭) in the order named. After the war, various Po(袍), Shim Ui(深衣), Jung Chi Mak(中致莫), Chang Ui(　衣), Jang Ui(長衣), Ju Ui(周衣) and so on had been worn until the King Young Jo(英祖)·Jung Jo(正祖) period. In result, the social role of Jik-Ryoung was reduced as the uses decreased more and more. For a mourning dress, it had a same aspect as the case of ordinary social wear. 4. Considering the color, they used blue for the clothes for doing-up-the-hair ceremony, white for mourning clothes, and white, black for ancestor memorial ceremony clothes. On the official outfits of officials, dark blue and black were used mostly. And lower-level officials'clothes had white, red, and green on them. They used red and green for the plain dresses. 5. Examining the materials, clothes for the celebration of one's coming of age were made of high quality silks, Kwang Hwa Dan(廣禾緞). Also, they made clothes for funeral rites of rough and thick linen, and made clothes for religious ceremonies of linen and hemp. The official outfits were made of practical materials like cotton, hemp and ramie. Cotton, pongee and satin were used to make ordinary attire.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.33 no.10
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• pp.1552-1563
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• 2009

This paper investigates the color rank system of the Wonsam, ceremonial topcoat, worn as a court formal costume of the Joseon dynasty by analyzing the court costume system and the actual examples of wearing. The research shows that there were some discrepancies of the color rank of the Wonsam between the court costume system and the actual wearing examples. There were red, purple, blue, green, and black Wonsam in the Joseon dynasty. The color rank of the Wonsam is as follows: the Queen's color was red, the Crown Princess's was green and purple, the royal concubine's was usually green and blue, but they could wear purple when they won the King's favor. A prince's wife's was usually green, but she wore blue and purple if she became the mother of the King. The princess's was green, and the court lady's was green, blue, and black. In most cases, the textiles of Wonsam were made by silk with patterns, even though Joseon dynasty was ordered to use silks without patterns in court weddings and funeral ceremonies to avoid extravagance.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.16
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• pp.221-229
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• 1991

This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.31 no.5
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• pp.35-44
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• 2022

Although Changgyeong-gung was devastgated by Japanease invasion in 1592, it was restored during the reign of Gwanghaegun, had remembered of early Joseon danasty's architecturural order. It was destroyed several times by fire after that but was rebuilt immedieately. There are Donggol-do and Donggol-dohyeong, so we can fine the change of architectures in Changgyeong-gung. Jibbokheon(集福軒) and Yeongchunheon(迎春軒) are marked in another location and architectures in Donggon-do and Donggon-dohyeong. The reason has been known that it was rebuilt after the fire in 1830. As a result of reviewing the record of birth of crown prince Sado and movement of coffin of King Jeong-jo in funeral ceremony, it was confirmed that notation of Jibbokheon and Yeongchunhyeon was misprinted. In particular, Yeongchunheon confirmed the possibility that the existing building was built by extending it while applying the asymmetrical building with four-purlins structure method during the reign of King Jeongjo, and that it was reconstructed by moving Yeonyeonghap when it was destroyed by fire 1830. And although now Jibbokheon and Yeongchunhyeon(延英閤) are connected, nothern part of Jibbokheon did not burn in the fire, so it was judged that original architectural plan were maintained until now. The current building north of Jibbokheon was built before 1695 (21st year of King Sukjong), which was first identified in the Gunggeolji(宮闕志), and there is a possibility that it may have been a part of Janggyeongmun(長慶門) inner corridor built before 1633. The present building north of Jibbokheon has great architectural significance in that it maintains the structural method of the early Joseon Dynasty which was often applied to buildings with a small scale of inner palace.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.349-371
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• 2017

"Hajaeilgi(荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon(司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life events he did see or hear about. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about folklore. Ji Gyu-sik wrote in his "Hajaeilgi" about things related to folklore, for example, seasonal customs, folk plays, rituals, or folk beliefs that were actually practiced then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material, and it is meaningful in the aspects of folklore as well. Therefore, as part of the work to look into folklore found in "Hajaeilgi", this author focuses on national rituals and folk beliefs in it. The things that have been discussed earlier can be summed up as follows: About national rituals, it is sorry that it only deals with the emperor's enthronement and emperor and crown prince's birthday in garye(嘉禮); however, it is meaningful to know that the people faithfully carried out national ceremonies and celebrations then. Particularly, it is noteworthy that during the national ceremonies or celebrations, students were asked to sing the national anthem. About hyungrye(凶禮), only it deals with the court funeral rite. Aside from Minbi's funeral rite, the court funeral rite was performed properly at the right time according to the procedure like before, and also, it seems that the people fulfilled it faithfully by order of the government. Also, it can be learned from it that Japanese killed Minbi, burned the body with oil, and left the ashes behind. About folk beliefs, the branch held a memorial service at the shrine of the town regularly. The town, too, performed Gocheongsinsa each year. The money needed for the memorial service was collected from the town people differently according to their financial situations, and they prepared for jesu for the ancestral rite altogether. The memorial service was carried out in Sansindang or Bugeundang, too, and it was common that they summoned a shaman to perform a gut. The diary is valuable as material. After being a Christian, Ji Gyu-sik once tried to abolish sinsa jesa held in hoesa and get rid of saesin(賽神), that is, a gut or pudakgeori, but he had no choice but to follow the precedent. Meanwhile, it is also noteworthy that when the town suffered from floor and infectious disease, Ji Gyu-sik installed an altar in front of his house for the town's wellbeing and health, prepared for jesu including offerings and drinks, and held a memorial service to Hwangcheonhuto(皇天后土; the gods of heaven and earth) accompanied with the town people. Also, when he had any hardships in his family, Ji Gyu-sik summoned a shaman for a gut or offered a devout prayer to the mountainous god. Such shamanism or the things like worshiping Gwanseongjegun(關聖帝君) mostly in the beginning of January and telling fortunes about the year were all folk beliefs. This was very popular among the people, and it seems that it was deeply rooted in his life as well. Also, Ji Gyu-sik supported Fengshui beliefs, and it seems that it is not different from the people's general tendencies, either. As described above, "Hajaeilgi" dealing with national rituals and folk beliefs in it is valuable as material and is meaningful for research on forklore, and moreover, it is also significant in the aspects of forklore as well.