• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• 제3권3호
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• pp.219-243
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• 1988

The sacrificial rite has its origin in the old China's primitive folkways faith based upon animism (B.C. 25c). From the animistic faith, Confucianism made its appearance in B.C. 551. Inevitably, the procedure of Confucian sacrificial rite was developed on the basis of the preceding primitive faith. In Korean culture, the god of Chinese Confucianism introduced to Korea in A.D. 108 was mixed properly with that of Buddhism imported in A.D. 372. Traditionally, Korean primitive religion (from B.C. 10c to B.C. 2c) was the sacrificial rite practiced by 'shaman.' The 'shaman' who was able to utilize ecstasy for the good of community was gods itself, and naturally the main form of the sacrificial rite was an exorcism with a sacrificial offering (food). After Korean primitive religion had been grafted to Buddhism and Confucianism, the character of Korean culture had to become compound. The most essential conception in sacrificial rite is a discrimination of a ghost, one is the evil spirit and the other is the good spirit. According to this conception, the good spirit is a spirit which ascended to heaven, in contrast, the evil spirit is a one which did not ascend to heaven and dispersed into this world. The sacrificial rite is a method to help the evil spirit ascend to heaven or to prevent harms from it. The mode of sacrificial rite especially the dead ancestor worship was transmitted from generation to generation as a purpose of the wealth and honors of descendants. Descendants believed that the evil spirit would not harm them only after receiving sufficient food and the right sacrifice. As a result, the sacrificial rite food was the sign of filial piety and a compensation for the evil spirit. How did the Korean religious culture which was consisted of three different religions-Shamanism, Buddhism. Confucianism-be combined and transformed? The author focused the mixture and transformation of the procedure of sacrificial rite and the arrangement of sacrificial food in each religion. In this thesis, the author studied first, the conception in sacrificial rite, second, the items of sacrificial rite food according to each period. In consequence of the research, each religion had lost its uniqueness and became mixed to each other and settle down in Korean culture.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• 제10권4호
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• pp.175-185
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• 2010

This article aims to compare the implications of masked dance in Hahoe with Gangneung masquerade and analyze them, in terms of the transition of the rituals. The results are as followings; Byulsin exorcism of Hahoe was the worship for God who people believe protects us from the evil. However, from the making of the mask in Hahoe masquerade. The movement of the dance features the spontaneous, changeable, depending on atmosphere of the stage or the host of the performance. Hahoe masquerade has the religious suggestion in the organization; it is one of the festivals, wishing for peace, good harvest of the village, in the content of the performance. From the roles of casts, the implications of the rituals are inferred; such the characters as Yangbankwangdae, Somaekaksi, Sisittakttaki, and Jangjamari have the implication of the repelling. But, the movement of the masked dance lost the original fashion in the process of restoration and faced the change. Therefore, most of the movements are tuned to falk of Gangneung; it doesn't have essence of the rituals. Finally, Gangneung masquerade has a factor of amusement of the Dano festival, wishes for well-being, good harvest of the village and includes the ritual of a guardian deity of the town, like the tutelary masquerade.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• 제58권2호
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• pp.249-277
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• 2012

Eugene O'Neill's one-act play Before Breakfast (1916) depicts a morning scene of a married couple who live in a slovenly flat at Greenwich Village. There is no apparent dramatic action occurring in the play. Instead, the play is full of Mrs. Rowland's incessant complaints about her husband Alfred's loafing around bars with artists friends, neglecting his role as breadwinner. An irony is that every morning she prepares breakfast for the good-for-nothing husband even in the moment of complaining. It is worth noting that Alfred is an 'unseen character' who is never directly observed by the audience but is only described by her wife. Deprived of all chances to speak and present himself on stage, he is kept in the room throughout the play. In contrast, Mrs. Rowland dominates the stage, monopolizing language and action. The audience has to listen to her, judge from her statements, and take her one-sided complaints. The accused husband, with zero chance of showing up and defending himself, has no choice but to be the sinner as the wife intends. Another irony is that the audience's feeling about the situation is quite different from what is expected. The wife's complaints are regarded to be unfair and groundless in the reason that the situation is monopolized by her. In case of the husband, in contrast, the loss of voice and presence stresses the injustice of his dead-lock situation. In other words, the 'absent' quality of Alfred works to evoke the audience's sympathy for himself and subsequently makes his presence recognized, not visually but emotionally, by the audience throughout the play. Discovered in this paradoxical moment where the spectators understand or 'see' the status of the unseen and the devoiced message is successfully conveyed to the listeners, is the theatricality of absence. Adding to the function as theatrical device, the 'unseen character' Alfred works as a device of self-reflection to mirror the author's own life. Alfred, the alter-ego of O'Neill, effectively exorcises the author's life-long feeling of guilty as the unfaithful husband and father in the unhappy first marriage, successfully evoking the audience's sympathy for himself.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• 제22호
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• pp.5-43
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• 2011

Before the Korean War, Korean mask dramas had been performed as parts of seasonal customs and had been passed down in connection with various seasonal events, such as village rites, tug of war, torch fighting, Jisinbabgi(stepping on evil spirits), Gilnori, and Sattonoreum. However, after the Korean War, the dramas were played independently regardless of those seasonal events; thus, they have lost their original functions and meanings. After the Korean War, the lion dance in the Bukcheong lion mask play included two lions (as opposed to one lion prior to the Korean War) and the Aeonesung and Sadang dances were added. The scene in which a lion eats a child changed to a lion eating a rabbit doll. Furthermore, whereas mask types used to be diverse, they are now standardized to one type of lion mask. In the Yangju Byulsandae-nori, eight monks and Waejangnye, Aesadang appeared in 'Aesadang Bubgonori', but now the Malddugi mask character is added. Current performances omit sexually suggestive scenes. In the pre-Korean War version of the old man and old woman act, the old man sang a song to the soul of the dead woman, but now a shaman appears and performs an exorcism. In the dialogues, vulgar and sexual statements have been shortened as many audience members are women and children. Regarding the appearance of the masks, the lotus leaf, the monk with Scabies, and sannim masks have been significantly changed. Bongsantalchum has also changed, especially in the old monk act. Previously, two Somu used to appear whereas now only one appears. The scene of the shoe seller's and the monkey's departure is also different. Furthermore, while the former masks once had big eye holes on each side of the nose, now the masks have smaller holes on the eyes.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• 제42권4호
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• pp.76-88
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to derive landscape characteristic elements of agricultural and fishery heritage and to classify landscape characteristic elements of Cheongsando designated as Korean agricultural and fishery heritage No.1 as well as a Globally Important Agricultural Heritage System (GIAHS). Additionally, this study was conducted to suggest priority for conservation and management of Cheongsando by grasping differences between factors which visitors deem as important and satisfying. To implement this study, the literature review was written, an on-site survey to derive landscape characteristic elements of Cheongsando and a survey on importance and satisfaction of landscape characteristic elements of Cheongsando were conducted, and reliability analysis, descriptive statistical analysis and IPA analysis were performed using SPSS 20.0. The results are as follows: The analysis showed the factors requiring persistent efforts in the first quadrant are the rape flower garden, the sea, green barley field, flat stone paddy field, breakwater and lighthouse, abalone farms, stone houses, thatched houses, a coastal road, the slow road, Stonewall Walkway of Seongseo Village, and residents' agricultural behaviors. The analysis showed the factors needing intensive management strategies in the second quadrant are the surrounding mountain area, dock, Docheong Harbor, vessels, fish market, Doksari stone wall, garish-roofed farm villages, excursion school to a slow island, pension and cafe, bus stop, shade trees, Raw Fish Street, the beach and the filming site. Analysis indicated that the factors needing management control in the third quadrant are the pine grove, the beach, tidal mudflat, the garlic fields, vinyl greenhouses, grain drying yard, sea mustard drying yard, heritage center, Choboon, Dangri exorcism, the market place, residents' fishery behaviors, residents' industrial behaviors, residents' ordinary behaviors, visitors' behaviors that visiting the dock, visitors' behaviors that walking the slow road, visitors' behaviors that eating and shopping for specialties, visitors' behaviors that experiencing agriculture and fishery. Excessive effort factors in the fourth quadrant were not derived.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• 제34권3호
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• pp.18-27
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• 2016

A 'flowered-wall,' which are also called a 'flower plant patterned wall,' or a 'flower patterned wall,' is a wall of a building or a fence with various patterns on it. A flowered-wall can be an external mean to look into the owner's authority and values while internally it possesses the symbolic meaning of wishing the well-being and peace of the household. In the research area of the flowered-wall, the walls located in the palace were well researched in various studies across architecture, horticulture, and art design, however, the walls belonging to the local regional traditional folk houses and temples have been involved in little to no research in the landscape architectural area. Taking notice of this perspective this study researched and analyzed the cases of the flowered-walls of the traditional folk houses and the temples that belonged to the national and municipal cultural properties of Jeollabuk-do Province from the landscape architectural perspective. The whole samples were examined and it was shown that there were 9 traditional folk houses with flowered-walls. Among the temples there were 7 cases. Therefore the research focusing on tracing the shape and symbolic meaning of the flowered-walls in the 16 cultural properties located in the Jeollabuk-do Province which consisted of traditional folk houses and temples resulted in the following. Flowered-walls displayed hierarchical differentiation revolving around the main space and its spacial characteristic. This differentiation is variously displayed across the flowered-wall, gable, crack plastering, and chimney. In the case of the folk houses the symbols have the meaning of the prosperity of the household and progeny, exorcism, longevity, number of fortune, harmony, and peace etc that prays for practical wishes such as long life and good health with the prosperity of their descendants. Meanwhile in the temples, symbols indicating an easy passage into eternity, perpetuation of the Buddha-nature, and three marks of existence are applied, differentiating from the folk houses by the appliance of the religious values in the patterns. In conclusion this research resulted in the rightful illumination on the local landscape culture, the possibility of expressing the Korean sentiment through flowered-walls in the contemporary space, the reassessment of flowered-walls, and the provision of basic data for a plan to success the cultural heritage.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• 제37호
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• pp.33-60
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• 2018

This article is to present that the research on the Mudang Gut Chum should be within the context of the performance of Mudang Gut and examines its meanings and implications with focus on Seoul Mudang Gut Chum and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chum. Seoul and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chums do not exist in the form of simple dance or movement. They feature continuity while serving the function of revealing the existence of spirit and sometimes show the process of the spirit joining the Gut ritual, which means that the Mudang Gut Chum should not be understood as the dance itself only. Instead, care attention should be paid to the status of the tune of Gut where the dance is placed, relationship between the gut and the spirit, and the flow of narrativity. Also, the Mudang Gut Chum has a lot to do with the tune. Looking at the Mudang Gut Chum simply focusing on dancing steps, and the movement of feet and/or hands fails to gain an accurate understanding of the fundamentals of the Mudang Gut Chum. Closely connected to the tune, which is also associated with the grade of the spirit, the dance shows a variety of performances conducted by entering the Gut ritual of the spirit. In that respect, complex views on the Mudang Gut Chum are required. The same applies to the hereditary shaman Mudang Gut as well. The Korean Mudang Gut Chum has a slight difference between the Gangshinmu gut and the hereditary gut but is in basically the same aspect. The Gut Chum holds its meaning in the flow of gutgeori (tune or dance performed during exorcism, a shaman song) and delivers its own meaning in connection with the tune. It is definitely meaningful to focus on the individual movements of a dancing shaman but one should be able to derive the network of meanings that such movements have within the performance of the gutgeori, which means that intensive studies on the field performance and circumstances should be completed before studying the Mudang Gut Chum. In addition, the Mudang Gut Chum discloses the characteristics of the performance group. The Mudang Gut Chum exists in a complex manner. With respects to the status of the spirit, it shows the characteristics of the performance group. It represents the progress of Gut while closely connected with the tune. Therefore, the way of describing the Mudang Gut Chum should be far more than just simply keeping the dance notations. With this in mind, one should investigate and record the Mudang Gut Chum.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• 제56권1호
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• pp.182-205
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• 2023

The use of royal artificial flowers was finally found through schematics and records in Wonhaeng Eulmyojeongri Uigwe, which organized the procession to Hwaseong in 1795. The results of classifying the uses of artificial flowers in the brthday banquet at Bongsudang Hall in 1795 and considering the shape, user, and usage are as follows. According to literature records, artificial flowers were made with high-quality materials such as gold, silver, and silk thread in the early period, but were mainly made of paper in the later period. Artificial flowers were used for decorating official hats, Bongsudang Hall, and banquet tables. The Sagwonhwa was used for decoration of the official hats of members of the royal family, and the one on the top was called Eosam-Sagwonhwa. At the birthday banquet inBongsudang Hall, King Jeongjo and Hyegyeonggung used the Eosam-Sagwonhwa and put it on the right side of the official hats. Officials put peach blossom with two petals on the left side of the official hats for decoration. The artificial flowers for decoration of the official hats of musicians and dancers were more expensive and flashier than the officials' ones. Depending on the dance, several artificial flowers were inserted into the official hats. When measuring the size of artificial flowers, the scale used was when making a ceremonial article. For artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet hall, red and white peach blossoms were placed in two jars with dragons painted on them and them placed on two red-painted tables, respectively. The table and jar with flowers were tied together with a red cotton string and fixed so as not to fall over. The artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet table of King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung, and the king's sisters were a large lotus, medium-sized lotus, peony, rose, and specially made peach flowers. The artificial flowers for decoration of the banquet table of guests and officials were small lotuses and peach blossoms. The artificial flowers used in the birthday banquet at Bongsudang Hall the most were peach blossoms, and peaches had the meaning of longevity and exorcism. It is expected that the above research results will be helpful in understanding the characteristics and usage of artificial flowers in the period of King Jeongjo and use in reproducing royal feasts and producing traditional cultural contents.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• 제23호
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• pp.347-368
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• 2011

This article is a review of the composition pattern of Suryukjae, which is one of the Buddhist ceremonies, and a consideration of the performance process. As one of the ceremonies leading the dead to heaven performed in the Buddhist circle, Suryukjae had been performed in Buddhist temples nationwide, but currently, it remains only in several Buddhist temples. Suryukjae is composed as follows. First, the early part of Suryukjae is a stage of preparing Suryukjae and ensuring legitimacy; thus, it has no detailed Jaecha except for Gwanyok. It is made up of Onghoge and Dage, has no Somun, and is centered on Yojabbara. The middle part of Suryukjae is a part in which Suryukjae is performed on a full-scale, which wishes the achievement of the goal of Suryukjae. It is made up of Geobul, Dage, and Somun, and is centered on Sadaranibara. Furthermore, this part delineates the flow of the Jaecha concerned as it contains detailed Jaecha. Meanwhile, in the middle part of Suryukjae, there is only detailed Jaecha called Sajadanman Bongsong (sending off), and the rest parts including Orodan, upper part, middle part, and lower part, in which there is no detailed Jaecha called Bongsong. The fact that there is no Bongsong in this part means all Bongsong is made in Heuihyang Bongsong, which is the last Jaecha. This implies that Saja, which is enshrined in Sajadan, is the essence of the achievement of the goal of Suryukjae. Only when there is Saja, Muju, Yuju, and Gohon (the meaning of all spirits) can be led to heaven. Also, from a rough perspective, this part is connected to other Chundojae (ceremony for sending off the dead to heaven) in Korea. There is a geori(Jaecha) that calls in Saja also in Jinogigut (exorcism) of Seoul. Then, although various gods from the otherworld are coming in in succession, to which Saja enters clearly shows a process in that Saja returns to the next world with the dead through . Just as demonstrates a process in that Saja returns to the next world with the dead in Jinogigut, also in Suryukjae, Saja needs to return to the next world with Gohon; therefore, at least Sajadan has detailed Jaecha called Bongsong. That is, this means that although Suryukjae of Buddhism is different from other Chundojae in terms of the composition of Jaecha, its notion about Saja is the same.