• 무역학회지
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• 제41권3호
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• pp.109-133
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• 2016

유라시아의 지역적 중요성으로 인하여 주요 국가들이 유라시아와 관련된 국가대전략을 수립하고 있는데 그 대표적인 것이 중국의 일대일로전략과 한국의 유라시아 이니셔티브라고 할 수 있다. 한국의 유라시아 이니셔티브는 동북아 물류중심지화 전략이후에 수립된 박근혜정부의 창조경제기반 국가대전략으로서 유라시아의 미래를 위하여 역내국가들과 함께 하나의 대륙, 창조의 대륙, 평화의 대륙을 만드는 것을 목표로 하고 있다. 이러한 유라시아 이니셔티브에서 중요한 사업의 하나가 물류운송 네트워크 구축사업인데 물류운송 네트워크 구축사업은 유라시아 친선특급, 나진-하산 물류사업, 북극항로개척, 철도운송 네트워크로 살펴볼 수 있다. 본 논문은 유라시아 이니셔티브상의 철도운송네트워크 구축사업을 포함하여 유라시아 익스프레스 사업의 현황을 살펴보고 효율화방안을 모색함으로써 유라시아 물류 네트워크의 조기 구축에 기여함을 그 연구목적으로 한다.

• 한국콘텐츠학회논문지
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• 제19권7호
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• pp.335-347
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• 2019

중국의 '일대일로' 구상은 중국과 유라시아 경제권을 육상과 해상으로 연결하여 하나의 경제권을 형성하는 초대형 프로젝트이다. 따라서 순조롭게 진행될 경우 중국과 세계 경제발전의 새로운 동력은 물론 국제경제의 구도를 변화시키는 요인이 될 것이다. 특히 유라시아 대륙이 세계 경제의 중심으로 발전하는 계기가 될 수도 있다. 그러나 중국의 '일대일로' 구상은 거시적이고 장기적일 뿐만 아니라 복잡성을 내포하고 있어 발전을 낙관하기 어렵다. 하지만 '일대일로'는 중국이 2049년까지 완성한다는 장기적 국가발전 전략으로 강력하게 추진하고 있고, 현재 중국과 '일대일로' 연선 국가 간의 경제적 보완성이 강하고, 또 연선 국가들의 상당수가 '일대일로' 건설을 기대하고 있어서 가능성이 전혀 없는 것은 아니다. 특히 현재 중국이 추진하고 있는 '일대일로'의 다양한 정책적 내용으로 볼 때 발전 가능성을 완전히 배제할 수 없다. 설령 '일대일로'는 발전이 순조롭지 못하더라도 진행 과정만으로도 중국은 물론 주변국에 상당한 경제적 효과를 가져다줄 것이기 때문에 충분한 의미가 있다고 하겠다.

• 유통과학연구
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• 제14권1호
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• pp.17-28
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• 2016

Purpose - Given the increasing interest in the Eurasian Initiative, government-wide studies for the construction of the Silk Road Express are currently being conducted. However, the Korean Government has no experience in operating international freight railroads and has not encountered problems in train service plans, international conventions, and customs clearance, which will arise when TKR is connected to TSR, TCR, and TMGR. Research design, data and methodology - Given these conditions, the cases of direct services in international freight railroads between China and Europe are investigated to identify the possible problems in the connection between TKR and continental railroads. This study also identifies the plans for activating Eurasian railroad logistics. Results - For the service of international freight trains, Korea needs to join international conventions, such as OJSD, as a regular member. Furthermore, any relevant international conference after the conclusion of such an agreement is needed for the agreement on train service schedules, fees, and procedures for passing border stations. Conclusions - Customs clearance and relevant documents must be standardized to address the differences in clearance systems between nations.

• 한국철도학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국철도학회 2006년도 추계학술대회 논문집
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• pp.1029-1036
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• 2006

South and North Koreas are putting forth efforts to overcome the distrust and animosity of the past 50 years to open an era of harmony and cooperation where the two halves can work together for mutual benefits. As part of those efforts, both parties are working now to reconnect the railways between the North and the South that remained broken for the past 60 years. In addition, the restoration of Trans-Korean railway paves the way for the "Silk Road Railway" which links European continent to Asian regions and Pacific Rim. The restoration project acts as a conduit for cooperation within in the Northeast Asian continent, hence, an important tool for facilitating peace and prosperity within the Northeast Asian region. Notably, the Railway project is regarded as the cardinal future-oriented peace building project for cultivating constructive, cooperative relations (Trans-Korean Railway and Trans-Asian Railway works) by stimulating human resources and commodity flows through railroad transportations. Northeast Asian region takes on a similar instance to the unification of European continent through its astounding development in railroad transportation, i.e., the international re-construction of Railroad lines will act as a catalyst to link Eurasian areas into one regional community for cooperation and peace. At present, the government is creating a momentum to bind trans-Eurasian railroad works and an initiative for "Northeast Asia Railroad networks and consultative organization". The South Korean administration paves the way to develop railroad network within South-North Korean, Russia and Eurasian region. It also fosters railroad cooperation with China for people and goods transports. To achieve such objectives, the project requires wide publicity and cross-border cooperation from concerned countries. The blueprint would have to be drafted up for Northeast Asian railroad train demonstration runs, Northeast Asian transportation agreements, with a bid to promote constitute Northeast Asian Railroad Consultation body. Moreover, the government would also have to prepare both, a draft of the linkage and the mandated standardized proposal.

• Acta Via Serica
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.161-180
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• 2018

Pax Sinica is a historiographical term, modeled after the original phrase Pax Romana. It refers, in Latin, to a Chinese-provided peace which in turn is used to describe an era of peace in East Asia sustained by Chinese hegemony. In historical terms, both the Pax Sinica of the Eastern hemisphere through Han China and the Pax Romana of the Western hemisphere through Rome signified a trans-regional order based on rules and regulations. This orderly world of the Pax Sinica generated a number of positive results such as the intensification of travel, ever-expanding trade relations, an increase in the overall living standards of the populace, the proliferation of cities, and a demographic upsurge in Eurasia along the ancient Silk Road. During this period, China was the dominant civilization not only in the Eastern hemisphere but also in the Middle hemisphere due to its political, economic, military and cultural influence. This paper aims to reintroduce this historiographical term to elucidate the recent Chinese initiatives in Eurasia along the Silk Road to facilitate the integration and connectivity of the continent.

• Strategy21
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• 통권37호
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• pp.104-143
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• 2015

China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21^st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

• Acta Via Serica
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• 제6권1호
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• pp.55-90
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• 2021

In the last several decades, and especially since the Chinese launching of the Belt and Road (BRI) initiative in 2013, the Chinese presence in Central Asia has intensified. Russia and Chinese leaders deny that there is any conflict of interests between them, while the standard narrative has been that the two states adhere to a functional division of tasks in which China concentrates on economic activity while Russia acts as the security guarantor for the region. This article argues that the professed equanimity between the Russian and Chinese leaderships masks the emergence of widening cracks in their relationship with regard to Central Asia. The convenient narrative of a functional division of tasks between the two states is called into question by China's increasingly active presence in the military and security sector in the region, but China's influence is growing throughout the Central Asian economic, political, and social order. China's movement into Central Asia challenges Russia's claim to act as an equal partner of China, as well as its pretensions to regional hegemony. This development reflects the widening disparity between the two states with respect to their power capabilities but it also exposes the interactions between Russia and China in Central Asia as the most vulnerable aspect of their relationship. In Central Asia, a defensive Russia encounters an ascendant China.

• 디지털콘텐츠학회 논문지
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• 제19권6호
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• pp.1145-1150
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• 2018

시진핑은 '아시아 운명공동체' 구축을 위한 새로운 외교발전을 제시하면서 이를 실현하기 위해 일대일로(一帶一路) 정책을 채택 하였다. 5통(通)의 핵심이념 정책구통(政策溝通), 시설련통(設施聯通), 무역창통(貿易暢通), 자금융통(資金融通), 민심상통(民心相通)을 바탕으로 일대일로를 통해 주변 국가들과 전 방위적인 협력과 상호이익관계를 구축하고 있다. 이에 본고는 중국의 일대일로 정책과 한국의 유라시아 이니셔티브를 방한관광 콘텐츠개발 전략에 어떻게 활용할 것인가에 대한 제안을 몇 가지 제시하고자 한 것이다. 첫째, 한국기업의 가교역할이 관광콘텐츠 개발로 이어질 수 있도록 해야 한다. 둘째, 중국인 개별관광객을 위한 관광콘텐츠 개발 활성화가 또 다른 관광콘텐츠로 이어질 수 있도록 해야 한다. 셋째, 중국의 현지기업들과 공동수주 방안을 모색해서 관광콘텐츠로 이어질 수 있도록 한다. 넷째, 한국에서 생활한 근로자나 유학생들의 적극적인 활용을 모색한다. 다섯째, 북한과의 협력적인 관계를 바탕으로 관광콘텐츠 개발을 도모한다.

• 한국산학기술학회논문지
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• 제19권4호
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• pp.41-46
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• 2018

최근 러시아를 포함한 동북아 경제의 중요성이 커지고 있으며, 유라시아 이니셔티브 정책에 따르면 동북 아시아의 운송, 물류 및 연결성 향상은 미래 성장 동력의 과제 중 하나로 부상하고 있다. 그러나 각국의 차량 시스템이 다르기 때문에 국가 간 철도 차량은 원활하게 운행되지 못하고 있는 실정이다. 서로 다른 시스템의 차량을 안전하게 연계 운행하려는 시도는 유럽-러시아간에 활발하게 이루어지고 있는 실정이나, 동북아-러시아간에는 근래에 들어 연구가 시작되고 있는 추세이다. 특히, 화차의 연결기는 국내 및 중국은 미국의 AAR(Association of American Railroads) 규격을 기본으로 한 연결기를, 러시아는 국가 표준인 GOST(USSR State Standards)를 적용한 연결기를 사용하고 있어, 헤드 형상이 서로 상이하여 상호간 연결이 불가능한 실정일 뿐 아니라, 요구하고 있는 재료의 화학적 성질과 기계적 성질이 상이하다. 이에, 본 논문에서는 국내 철도용품 기술기준과 러시아의 GOST 규정을 만족하는 연결기를 상호 연결할 수 있는 가변형 연결기 및 연결기 어댑터를 개발하는데 있어, 각 국가에서 제시하고 있는 요구사항을 조사하고, 특히, 연결기에 대하여 요구하는 기계적 성질을 만족하는 재질을 개발하는 과정에서 시험을 통한 그 가능성을 분석하여, 향후 각 국가에서 안전하게 사용할 수 있는 연결기 어댑터 제작의 발판을 마련하고자 한다.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.44-64
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• 2017

Russia's push in the Asia-Pacific region stems from its interests that have the national, regional and global dimensions. In their turn, the aims of this policy are civilizational, geopolitical, economic and prospective, with a long-term outlook. In the course of their achievement, cooperation with Northeast Asia's countries will play one of the key roles owing to the factors of geographic proximity, Northeast Asia's economic potential, risk hedging and a growing influence Northeast Asia exerts upon the global development. A new cooperation paradigm between Russia and the states of Northeast Asia should be based upon establishing and cementing self-reproducing ties. This is the central aim of Russian initiatives in relations, with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia and China. However, numerous obstacles ranging from Russia's absence in the regional free trade agreements and supply-production chains of value-added production to the permanent international instability generated by Pyongyang's missile-nuclear developments hamper the practical implementation of this task. Realizing the necessity to give an additional impetus to this new cooperative paradigm, Russia has to develop directions with an apparent consolidating effect. The most promising may be the establishment of a permanent security forum based upon Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism chaired by the Russian Federation. The urgency of this measure and its expected support stem from the necessity to strengthen security in Northeast Asia, a task neither the US-led hub-and-spoke system nor ASE-AN-led multilateral dialogue venues have been able to resolve. The issues addressed at the security forum must include the unification of approaches to North Korean nuclear issue and producing a document specifying actions of the claimants on the disputed maritime territories in the "direct contact" situations. At the expert level, Russia has elaborated on the idea to establish such a forum outlining the spectrum of the key directions of cooperation. With the urgency in the establishment of this dialogue venue, its agenda has to be coordinated with the agendas of the existing security systems presented by the US alliances and the ASE-AN-led multilateral negotiations. The practical implementation of this initiative will strengthen security in Northeast Asia as its challenges will be resolved in the pre-emptive way based on coordinated approaches. Therefore, Russia as the Eurasian state will be one of the role players in the advent of the Asian century.