• Title/Summary/Keyword: Eurasian Initiative

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A Study on the Efficient Methods of Rail Transport Network under the Eurasia Initiative (유라시아 이니셔티브에서의 철도운송네트워크 효율화방안)

  • Choi, Han-Byul;Choi, Seok-Beom
    • Korea Trade Review
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    • v.41 no.3
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    • pp.109-133
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    • 2016
  • Major nations undergone grand national strategy regarding Eurasia such as China's One Belt and One Road Strategy and Korea's Eurasia Initiative owing to Eurasia's regional importance. Korea's Eurasia Initiative aims to make one continental, creative continental, peaceful continental with intra-Eurasian nations as grand national strategy is based on creative economy, undertaken by President Park's Government for the future of Eurasia after the Northeast Asian logistics hub strategy. Eurasia Initiative includes logistics network project as an important one which consists of Eurasia Friendly Express, Rajin-Hassan logistics project, the Arctic Ocean route project and Rail transport network project. The success of Eurasia Initiative depends on North Korea. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the improvement of prompt logistics network by networking main rail transport and other transports such as inland waterway transport and air transport by studying the current situation of Eurasia Express project, including rail transport network and the efficient methods of Eurasia logistics. The efficient methods of rail transport network under the Eurasia initiative are construction of multimodal logistics network connected with rail, international cooperation for logistics standardization in Eurasia, Eurasia nations' subscription of logistics-related conventions and projects performance based on these conventions, etc.

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China's 'One Belt and One Road' Initiative and Strategy: Development and Limitations (중국의 '일대일로'(一帶一路) 구상과 전략: 발전과 한계)

  • Heur, Heung-Ho
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.19 no.7
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    • pp.335-347
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    • 2019
  • China's 'One Belt and One Load' initiative is a mega-infrastructure project that connects China and the Eurasian Economies Area by overland and sea routes. Therefore, if it goes smoothly, It will be a new engine for economic development in China and the world, and It is expected to be a factor that will change the structure of the international economy. Especially, the Eurasian continent is likely to develop into the center of the global economy. But China's 'One Belt and One Load' initiative is not only macro and long-term, but also implies complexity, making it hard to be optimistic about development. China's 'One Belt and One Load' initiative is not only strongly promoted as a long-term national development strategy to be completed by 2049, but also strong economic complementarity between China and 'One Belt and One Load' consecutive countries. And many of the successive countries are expecting 'One Belt and One Load' construction. Therefore, there is no possibility at all. In particular, the possibility of development can not be completely ruled out, given the various policies of 'One Belt and One Load' currently being pursued by China. Even if it doesn't go smoothly, the process alone will have significant economic effects on China and neighboring countries, so it will be meaningful. With the help of information technology.

Activation Plan for the Eurasia Railway Logistics

  • Chung, Sungbong;Namkung, Baekkyu;Kim, Moon-Joung
    • Journal of Distribution Science
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    • v.14 no.1
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    • pp.17-28
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    • 2016
  • Purpose - Given the increasing interest in the Eurasian Initiative, government-wide studies for the construction of the Silk Road Express are currently being conducted. However, the Korean Government has no experience in operating international freight railroads and has not encountered problems in train service plans, international conventions, and customs clearance, which will arise when TKR is connected to TSR, TCR, and TMGR. Research design, data and methodology - Given these conditions, the cases of direct services in international freight railroads between China and Europe are investigated to identify the possible problems in the connection between TKR and continental railroads. This study also identifies the plans for activating Eurasian railroad logistics. Results - For the service of international freight trains, Korea needs to join international conventions, such as OJSD, as a regular member. Furthermore, any relevant international conference after the conclusion of such an agreement is needed for the agreement on train service schedules, fees, and procedures for passing border stations. Conclusions - Customs clearance and relevant documents must be standardized to address the differences in clearance systems between nations.

Reconnecting the Trans-Korean Railway and future aspirations of Northeast Asia Railway Network (최근 남북.대륙철도 협력현황과 동북아철도협력 구상)

  • Na, Hee-Seung
    • Proceedings of the KSR Conference
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    • 2006.11b
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    • pp.1029-1036
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    • 2006
  • South and North Koreas are putting forth efforts to overcome the distrust and animosity of the past 50 years to open an era of harmony and cooperation where the two halves can work together for mutual benefits. As part of those efforts, both parties are working now to reconnect the railways between the North and the South that remained broken for the past 60 years. In addition, the restoration of Trans-Korean railway paves the way for the "Silk Road Railway" which links European continent to Asian regions and Pacific Rim. The restoration project acts as a conduit for cooperation within in the Northeast Asian continent, hence, an important tool for facilitating peace and prosperity within the Northeast Asian region. Notably, the Railway project is regarded as the cardinal future-oriented peace building project for cultivating constructive, cooperative relations (Trans-Korean Railway and Trans-Asian Railway works) by stimulating human resources and commodity flows through railroad transportations. Northeast Asian region takes on a similar instance to the unification of European continent through its astounding development in railroad transportation, i.e., the international re-construction of Railroad lines will act as a catalyst to link Eurasian areas into one regional community for cooperation and peace. At present, the government is creating a momentum to bind trans-Eurasian railroad works and an initiative for "Northeast Asia Railroad networks and consultative organization". The South Korean administration paves the way to develop railroad network within South-North Korean, Russia and Eurasian region. It also fosters railroad cooperation with China for people and goods transports. To achieve such objectives, the project requires wide publicity and cross-border cooperation from concerned countries. The blueprint would have to be drafted up for Northeast Asian railroad train demonstration runs, Northeast Asian transportation agreements, with a bid to promote constitute Northeast Asian Railroad Consultation body. Moreover, the government would also have to prepare both, a draft of the linkage and the mandated standardized proposal.

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Pax Sinica along the Silk Road: Avant-Garde Perspectives on Eurasian Geopolitics

  • ERDEM, CAGRI
    • Acta Via Serica
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    • v.3 no.2
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    • pp.161-180
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    • 2018
  • Pax Sinica is a historiographical term, modeled after the original phrase Pax Romana. It refers, in Latin, to a Chinese-provided peace which in turn is used to describe an era of peace in East Asia sustained by Chinese hegemony. In historical terms, both the Pax Sinica of the Eastern hemisphere through Han China and the Pax Romana of the Western hemisphere through Rome signified a trans-regional order based on rules and regulations. This orderly world of the Pax Sinica generated a number of positive results such as the intensification of travel, ever-expanding trade relations, an increase in the overall living standards of the populace, the proliferation of cities, and a demographic upsurge in Eurasia along the ancient Silk Road. During this period, China was the dominant civilization not only in the Eastern hemisphere but also in the Middle hemisphere due to its political, economic, military and cultural influence. This paper aims to reintroduce this historiographical term to elucidate the recent Chinese initiatives in Eurasia along the Silk Road to facilitate the integration and connectivity of the continent.

Implications of China's Maritime Power and BRI : Future China- ROK Strategic Cooperative Partnership Relations (중국의 해양강국 및 일대일로 구상과 미래 한·중 협력 전망)

  • Yoon, Sukjoon
    • Strategy21
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    • s.37
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    • pp.104-143
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    • 2015
  • China's new grand strategy, the "One Belt, One Road Initiative" (also Belt Road Initiative, or BRI) has two primary components: Chinese President Xi Jinping announced the "Silk Road Economic Belt" in September 2013 during a visit to Kazakhstan, and the "21st Century Maritime Silk Route Economic Belt" in a speech to the Indonesian parliament the following month. The BRI is intended to supply China with energy and new markets, and also to integrate the countries of Central Asia, the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN), and the Indian Ocean Region - though not Northeast Asia - into the "Chinese Dream". The project will be supported by the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), due to open in 2016 with 57 founding members from all around the world, and China has already promised US$ 50 billion in seed funding. China's vision includes networks of energy pipelines, railways, sea port facilities and logistics hubs; these will have obvious commercial benefits, but also huge geopolitical significance. China seems to have two distinct aims: externally, to restore its historical sphere of influence; and internally, to cope with income inequalities by creating middle-class jobs through enhanced trade and the broader development of its economy. In South Korea, opinion on the BRI is sharply polarized. Economic and industrial interests, including Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL), support South Korean involvement in the BRI and closer economic interactions with China. They see how the BRI fits nicely with President Park Geun-hye's Eurasia Initiative, and anticipate significant commercial benefits for South Korea from better connections to energy-rich Russia and the consumer markets of Europe and Central Asia. They welcome the prospect of reduced trade barriers between China and South Korea, and of improved transport infrastructure, and perceive the political risks as manageable. But some ardently pro-US pundits worry that the political risks of the BRI are too high. They cast doubt on the feasibility of implementing the BRI, and warn that although it has been portrayed primarily in economic terms, it actually reveals a crucial Chinese geopolitical strategy. They are fearful of China's growing regional dominance, and worried that the BRI is ultimately a means to supplant the prevailing US-led regional security structure and restore the Middle Kingdom order, with China as the only power that matters in the region. According to this view, once China has complete control of the regional logistics hubs and sea ports, this will severely limit the autonomy of China's neighbors, including South Korea, who will have to toe the Chinese line, both economically and politically, or risk their own peace and prosperity.

Russia and China in Central Asia: Deepening Tensions in the Relationship

  • WILSON, JEANNE L.
    • Acta Via Serica
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    • v.6 no.1
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    • pp.55-90
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    • 2021
  • In the last several decades, and especially since the Chinese launching of the Belt and Road (BRI) initiative in 2013, the Chinese presence in Central Asia has intensified. Russia and Chinese leaders deny that there is any conflict of interests between them, while the standard narrative has been that the two states adhere to a functional division of tasks in which China concentrates on economic activity while Russia acts as the security guarantor for the region. This article argues that the professed equanimity between the Russian and Chinese leaderships masks the emergence of widening cracks in their relationship with regard to Central Asia. The convenient narrative of a functional division of tasks between the two states is called into question by China's increasingly active presence in the military and security sector in the region, but China's influence is growing throughout the Central Asian economic, political, and social order. China's movement into Central Asia challenges Russia's claim to act as an equal partner of China, as well as its pretensions to regional hegemony. This development reflects the widening disparity between the two states with respect to their power capabilities but it also exposes the interactions between Russia and China in Central Asia as the most vulnerable aspect of their relationship. In Central Asia, a defensive Russia encounters an ascendant China.

A Study on China's One Belt, One Road Policy and South Korea's Measures for Facilitating Tourist Visits from China (중국의 일대일로(一带一路) 정책을 활용한 방한관광콘텐츠 전략)

  • Jung, In-Suk
    • Journal of Digital Contents Society
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    • v.19 no.6
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    • pp.1145-1150
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    • 2018
  • In order to realize the new diplomatic development for the establishment of 'Asia Fate Community', Xi Jinping has adopted a "One Road, One Belt" policy. Based on five core philosophies, One Road, One Belt with neighboring countries has been established to full-sided cooperation and mutual benefit relations. In this paper, I would like to suggest some suggestions on how to use China's One Road, One Belt policy and Korea's Eurasian Initiative in Development strategy of tourism contents. First, The bridge role of Korean companies should lead to the development of tourism contents. Second, the promotion of tourism contents development for Chinese individual tourists should lead to another tourism contents. Third, we need to find ways to win joint orders with local companies in China so that they can lead to tourism contents. Fourth, seeking active use of workers and international students living in Korea. Fifth, the development of tourism contents based on cooperative relationship with North Korea.

A Study on the Coupler for Interoperability of Freight Railway Car between Korea, China and Russia (한국, 중국 및 러시아 화물철도 차량 상호운영을 위한 연결기 연구)

  • Cheon, Jun-Ho
    • Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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    • v.19 no.4
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    • pp.41-46
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    • 2018
  • Recently, the importance of the northeast economies including Russia has been growing, and according to the Eurasian initiative policy, the enhancement of transportation, logistics and connectivity between the northeast Asian countries is emerging as one of the challenges for future growth. However, due to the different vehicle systems used in each country, the railway connections between countries are not operating smoothly. Especially, the couplers of the railway cars which pass through the countries of northeast Asia including Russia have different regulations, which render their shape and characteristics incompatible. In this study, we propose a method of interconnecting the AAR type coupler used in Korea and China and the CA-3 type coupler compatible with the Russian GOST standard, and verify that its structural safety conforms with each set of regulations. We analyze the possibilities offered by this method of interconnection by performing tests while developing materials satisfying the mechanical properties required for the freight coupler.

Northeast Asia in Russia's Pivot to the East (СЕВЕРО-ВОСТОЧНАЯ АЗИЯ В ПОВОРОТЕ РОССИИ НА ВОСТОК)

  • Kanaev, Evgeny
    • Analyses & Alternatives
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.44-64
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    • 2017
  • Russia's push in the Asia-Pacific region stems from its interests that have the national, regional and global dimensions. In their turn, the aims of this policy are civilizational, geopolitical, economic and prospective, with a long-term outlook. In the course of their achievement, cooperation with Northeast Asia's countries will play one of the key roles owing to the factors of geographic proximity, Northeast Asia's economic potential, risk hedging and a growing influence Northeast Asia exerts upon the global development. A new cooperation paradigm between Russia and the states of Northeast Asia should be based upon establishing and cementing self-reproducing ties. This is the central aim of Russian initiatives in relations, with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia and China. However, numerous obstacles ranging from Russia's absence in the regional free trade agreements and supply-production chains of value-added production to the permanent international instability generated by Pyongyang's missile-nuclear developments hamper the practical implementation of this task. Realizing the necessity to give an additional impetus to this new cooperative paradigm, Russia has to develop directions with an apparent consolidating effect. The most promising may be the establishment of a permanent security forum based upon Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism chaired by the Russian Federation. The urgency of this measure and its expected support stem from the necessity to strengthen security in Northeast Asia, a task neither the US-led hub-and-spoke system nor ASE-AN-led multilateral dialogue venues have been able to resolve. The issues addressed at the security forum must include the unification of approaches to North Korean nuclear issue and producing a document specifying actions of the claimants on the disputed maritime territories in the "direct contact" situations. At the expert level, Russia has elaborated on the idea to establish such a forum outlining the spectrum of the key directions of cooperation. With the urgency in the establishment of this dialogue venue, its agenda has to be coordinated with the agendas of the existing security systems presented by the US alliances and the ASE-AN-led multilateral negotiations. The practical implementation of this initiative will strengthen security in Northeast Asia as its challenges will be resolved in the pre-emptive way based on coordinated approaches. Therefore, Russia as the Eurasian state will be one of the role players in the advent of the Asian century.

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