• Journal of the Korean Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.56-64
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• 1995

Family is a primary unit of the major socialization processing for children. Parents among the family members are one of the most important figures from whom the child and adolescent acquire a wide variety of behavior patterns, attitudes, values and norms. An organization of family members product family structural functioning. Abnormal family structure is one of the most important reference models in the learning of antisocial patterns of behavior. Therefore incest and child sexual abuse including spouse abuse, elderly abuse, and neglect occurs in the abnormal family structural setting. In particular, incest, a specific form of sexual abuse, was once thought to be a phenomenon of great rarity, but our clinical experiences, especially over the past decade, have made us aware that incest and child sexual abuse is not rare case and on the increasing trend. Therefore, the aim of this study was to determine the family problem and dynamics of incest family, and character pattern of post-incest adolescent victim in Korea. A total of 1,838 adolescents from middle and high school(1,237) and juvenile correctional institute(601) were studied, sampled from Korean student population and adolescent delinquent population confined in juvenile correctional institutes, using proportional stratified random sampling method. The subjects' ages ranged from 12 to 21 years. Data were collected through questionnaire survey. Data analysis was done by IBM PC of Behavior Science Center at the Korea university, using SAS program. Statistical methods employed were Chi-square, principal component analysis and t-test etc. The results of this study were as follows ; 1) Of 1,071 subjects, 40(3.7%) reported incest experiences(sibling incest : 1.6% ; another type of incest : 2.1%) in their family setting. 2) The character pattern of post-incest adolescent victim was more socially maladjusted, immature, impulsive, rigid, anxious and dependent than non-incest adolescent. Also they showed some problem in academic performance and their assertiveness. 3) The other family members of incest family revealed more psychological and behavioral problem such as depression, alcoholism, psychotic disorder and criminal act than the non-incest family, even though there is no evidence of the context between them. 4) The family dynamics of incest family tended to be dysfunctional trend, as compared with non-incest family. It showed that the psychological instability of family member, parental rejection toward their children, coldness and indifference among family member and marital discordance between the parents had significant correlation with incest.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.140-170
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• 2021

This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

• Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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• v.54 no.2
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• pp.219-229
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• 2003

Background : The management of thoracic empyema and complicated parapneumonic effusion requires adequate antibiotics use and prompt drainage of infected pleural space. Tube thoracostomy for loculated empyema has low success rate and is also an invasive procedure with potential morbidity. Complications include hemothorax, perforation of intra-abdominal or intra-thoracic organs, diaphragmatic laceration, empyema, pulmonary edema, and Horner's syndrome. Given the potential morbidity of traditional chest tube insertion, use of the image-guided pigtail catheter drainage(PCD) of empyema has been employed. We retrospectively analyzed the medical records of patients with empyema or complicated parapneumonic effusion to determine the efficacy of percutaneous pigtail catheter drainage. Materials and Methods : 45 patients with complicated parapneumonic effusions or empyema were treated at Gil medical center from January 1998 to June, 1999. All were initially given PCD procedure and the following data were collected: clinical symptoms at the time of diagnosis, alcohol and smoking history, the characteristics of pleural effusion, radiologic findings (at the time of catheter insertion, removal and 1 month after catheter removal), the amount of effusion drained for initial 24 hours, the time from catheter insertion to removal and the use of surgical approach. Results : Male gender was more frequent (42 men vs. 3 women), the mean age of the study population was 52(range: 21~74) years. Empyema was found in 23 patients, complicated parapneumonic effusion in 22 patients. Four patients(three, parapneumonic effusion and one, with empyema) with PCD only treated, were cast off. Among the available patients, 36(80%) patients were treated with PCD only or PCD with urokinase. Among the 23 patients with empyema, surgical approach was required in five patients(27.1%, one required decortication, four open thoracostomy), one patient, treated with surgical procedure, died of sepsis. There was no significant difference of the duration of catheter insertion, the duration of hospital admission after catheter insertion and the mean amount of effusion drained for initial 24 hours between the patients with only PCD treated and the patients treated with PCD and urokinase. The duration of catheter insertion($9.4{\pm}5.25days$ vs. $19.2{\pm}9.42days$, p<0.05) and the duration of hospital admission after catheter insertion($15.9{\pm}10.45days$ vs. $38.6{\pm}11.46days$, p<0.01) of the patients with only PCD treated were more longer than those of the patients treated with surgical procedure after PCD. They were same between the patients treated with urokinase after PCD and the patients treated with surgical procedure after PCD($11.1{\pm}7.35days$ vs. $19.2{\pm}9.42days$, p<0.05, $17.5{\pm}9.17days$ vs. $38.6{\pm}11.46days$, p<0.01). In 16 patients(44.4%) with only PCD treated or PCD and urokinase treated, the amount of effusion at the time of catheter removal was decreased more than 75% and in 17 patients(47.2%) effusion decreased 50~75%. .In one patient effusion decreased 25~50%, in two patients effusion decreased less than 25%. One month after catheter removal, in 35 patients(97.2%, four patients were cast off), the amount of pleural effusion was successfully decreased more than 50%. There were no complications related to pigtail catheter insertion. Conclusion : In this study, PCD seemed to be an early efficacious procedure in treating the patients with complicated parapneumonic effusion or empyema without any serious procedure related complication.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.