• 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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• 제55권4호
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• pp.96-116
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• 2022

대보단은 명나라 황제인 태조, 신종, 의종의 제사를 지내는 제단이다. 황단이라고도 불리는 이 시설은 1704년에 처음으로 건설되었다. 임진왜란 때 조선에 원군을 보내준 신종에 대한 보은의 뜻으로 건립된 것이다. 노론의 영수였던 송시열은 이미 화양동에 신종을 위한 건물을 짓고 제례를 지냈었는데 이것이 국가적인 의례로 확대된 것이다. 당시의 대보단 건립은 창덕궁 후원 영역을 크게 바꿔 놓았으며, 후원 서북쪽으로 영역이 확장되었다. 하지만 당시 대보단의 건축과정만을 살펴본다면 대보단에 커다란 의미를 부여했다고 보기에 무리가 있다. 입지선정 과정에서 공간적으로나, 의례적으로 가장 적합한 곳은 후원의 내빙고터였다. 그럼에도 빙고를 옮길 방안이 마련되지 않자 궁궐 담장 바깥에 위치한 별대영터에 건립하는 것으로 대신했다. 단을 건립하기 위한 석재는 새로 채석하지 않고 이곳저곳에서 변통한 것을 재활용했다. 별대영의 행각은 커다란 변경 없이 그대로 대보단 행각으로 전용했다. 건축공사의 규모만을 따지자면 그리 대단한 공사가 아니었다는 것을 알 수 있다. 숙종은 대보단 건립 후 몇 차례 제례를 치른 다음에는 대보단에 별 관심을 보이지 않았다. 대보단이 다시 역사에 크게 등장한 것은 영조에 의해서였다. 영조도 재임 초기에는 대보단에 별다른 관심을 보이지 않았다. 하지만 1740년대 들어 대보단에 지대한 관심을 갖기 시작했고, 수차례에 걸친 대보단 중수가 진행됐다. 1739년에는 제기고를 중건했다. 또 1745년에는 재실을 건립하면서 대보단 의식 전날에 들러 하룻밤을 보내도록 의례를 정비했다. 1749년에는 대보단에 의종과 태조를 봉안하면서 대대적인 대보단 증수가 이루어졌고, 기존의 대보단과 전혀 다르게 형태가 변경되었다. 이때 조성된 단은 새롭게 채석한 석재를 사용해서 쌓은 것이었다. 또 전사청, 재생청, 악공청 등 새로운 건물을 추가로 건립하기도 했다. 1762년에는 대보단에 공신을 종향하면서 지속적으로 대보단이 창덕궁 후원에서 중요한 곳이 되었다. 정조 재위 기간에도 대보단은 창덕궁 후원에서 중요한 위치를 점하고 있었다. 하지만 대보단에서 건축적으로 커다란 중수가 진행되지는 않았다. 다만 1799년 창경궁에 위치했던 경봉각을 대보단 내부로 이건한 일이 있었다. 이후 대보단 제례는 계속되었지만 커다란 건축적 변화는 없었고, 1908년에 제향이 중지되면서 역사에서 사라지게 되었다.

• 한국문헌정보학회지
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• 제48권2호
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• pp.241-257
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• 2014

중국 명대에 간행된 "석씨원류"는 우리나라에서 불암사와 선운사에서 2회 간행되었다. 그런데 불암사판은 간기가 분명하여 판각 연대를 정확하게 알 수 있으나, 이에 비해 선운사판은 간기에 간행사찰만 명시되어 그 판각 시기에 문제가 있었다. 그리하여 이 연구에서는 선운사의 사적기와 국립도서관 소장본 등 관련 자료를 검토한 결과, 종래 통용되고 있는 1648년이 아니라 1710년에 판각되었다는 새로운 사실을 밝혀냈다.

• 대한약침학회지
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.11-19
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• 2005

Objectives : This study focused on how the modem blood vessel is defined in Oriental medicine through literary investigation. Methods : Contents from 35 classical texts representing each era were analyzed for the expression of Hyeolmaek and affiliate information, as well as terms used for the current concept of blood vessel. Results : Following results were obtained through investigating literary information on Hyeolmaek. 1. In the Yellow Emperor's Classic, Hyeolmaek is associated with heart and widely used for physiological, pathological, diagnosis, and treatment purposes. 2. During the Song Dynasty, a term Cheonggeun (靑節). is used to describe the vein in the abdomen. 3. During the Ming Dynasty, terms such as Cheonggeun(靑節) and Cheongmaek(靑脈) were used. 4. The term Hyeolmaek was used inclusively for blood, blood vessels, arteries, veins, and as well as meridians.

• 복식
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• 제54권4호
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• pp.41-53
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• 2004

The significant role of colors in fashion design is not enough to emphasize in terms of one of the important design elements and its influences on the behaviors of the people. The purpose of this research is to examine the traditional Chinese colors and its ways of color combinations to appreciate the Chinese culture and its people. The Chinese traditional costume of Ching Dynasty were investigated through historic records, historic nobles, costume accessories and so on. The results of the study were summarized as follows： (1) The Blue was the most favoured color for clothing among men and women during Ching dynasty and various blues in terms of hue, value and intensities were used. (2) The bright Yellow which had been a symbol of Emperor were prohibited being used among people. Though, the late period of Dynasty, the regulation became not to strict and various shades of yellow families were adapted among People. (3) The Red which had been preferred during Ming Dynasty were constantly favoured for the formal wears of auspicious events such as weddings. (4) Dark color groups were loved for the clothing which were used as a ground colors against the flamboyant patterns revealing strong visual effects through value contrast or primary color combinations. (5) The White had a symbol of mourning and there were some intentions to adopt pale color groups such as mint, jade, gray, moon whit,. silver white to make up for white. (6) Contrast color combinations were one of the basic ways of color combination in Chinese traditional costume. Therefore Chinese color combinations has a strong visual effect and easy to draw attention of people by the contrast of the hue, value or intensity of color. (7) Multi-color combinations were another characteristics of Chinese costume in the formal wears which bears many surface designs. The surface decorated with full of motifs, were appreciated by the people expressing their longings and hopes through the auspicious meanings of patterns and striking visual effects of color combinations.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제42권
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• pp.313-342
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• 2016

본고는 촉한(蜀漢)의 무장(武將)에서 출발하여 신(神)으로 추앙받고 있는 관우의 생명력을 역대 왕조의 정치적 측면에서 찾았다. 관우는 위진남북조(魏晉南北朝) 시대에는 일개 장군으로 묘사되었지만, 수당(隋唐) 시대를 거치며 무성왕묘(武成王廟) 종사(從祀)를 통해 국가 사전(祀典)에 편입되었고, 다시 송원(宋元)시대에는 '후(侯)'에서 '공(公)'으로, 다시 '공(公)'에서 '왕(王)'으로 신분의 급상승을 이루었다. 관우 신격화가 절정에 이른 명청(明淸) 시대에 이르면, '왕(王)'을 넘어 '제(帝)'로 등극하면서 삼계(三界)를 통섭하는 최고의 권능을 부여받게 된다. 그는 백성에서부터 사대부에 이르기까지 생활신앙과 도덕 정신에 영향을 미쳤고, 결국은 정신적 수호신(守護神)으로 존재할 수 있었다. 역사상 통치자가 관우(關羽)에게 내린 봉호(封號)는 다양했지만, 그 속에는 국가의 재난 해소와 봉건통치의 유지와 보호라는 정치적 필요성이 깔려 있었다.

• 동양고전연구
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• 제70호
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• pp.407-434
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• 2018

본고는 한국 불교사에서 거의 주목되지 않은 조선초 요동 월경과 월경승 만공(滿空)과 적휴(適休)의 중국 불교행적에 대해서 살펴보았다. 조선초 태종과 세종대의 대대적인 불교탄압 시책에 대하여 불교계가 속수무책으로 아무런 대응을 하지 않은 것이 아니라 불교계 나름대로 저항을 하였던 것이다. 특히 조계종의 나옹혜근과 태고보우의 문도 계열이 두드러졌다. 보우의 문도들이 주로 신문고를 치거나 불교의 자정을 주창하였으며, 나옹의 문도 계열은 무학을 중심으로 불교계를 재편하거나 탄압에 맞섰으며, 명(明)의 황제의 도움을 받아 불교계를 수호하고자 하거나 아예 요동으로 월경(越境)하기도 하였다. 월경을 시도하다가 해선(海禪)처럼 체포되기도 하였으나 태종대 만공(滿空)과 세종대 적휴(適休)처럼 월경하여 중국 불교계에 뚜렷한 행적을 남기기도 하였다. 만공(滿空)은 태종대 요동으로 월경한 11명 가운데 한 고승으로 홍도(洪道) 홍인(洪因) 등과 함께 하였는데 무학의 문도이자 나옹의 문손인 듯하다. 나옹의 문도인 듯한 만공은 월경후 북경에서 다시 해로로 이동하여 금릉 금릉(金陵) 천계사(天界寺)에 주석하다가 조선과 친근하며 유서가 있는 산동(山東) 태안(泰安)으로 이주하여 죽림사(竹林寺)와 보조선사(普照禪寺)를 중창하면서 불법을 널리 홍포하였다. 적휴(適休)는 세종대에 승려 신내(信乃)와 신휴(信休) 신담(信淡) 혜선(惠禪) 홍적(洪迪) 해비(海丕) 신연(信然) 홍혜(洪惠) 신운(信雲) 등 총 10명과 함께 요동으로 월경하여 북경에서 명 황제의 보호속에 산해관을 거쳐 금릉 천계사(天界寺)에 이주하였다. 그후 그들의 행적은 더 알 수 없으나, 적휴는 북경 곡적산(穀積山)에서 고려 승속이 거주하였던, 특히 나옹과 문도 무학 등이 머물렀던 영암선사(靈巖禪寺) 근처에 반야선사(般若禪寺)를 창건했다. 이와같이 이와같이 조선초 승려들은 국가의 탄압에 저항하거나 월경하였는데 태종과 세종대 만공과 적휴는 중국 불교계를 유력하면서 사찰을 중창하며 중국불교의 발전에 기여하였다.

• 복식
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• 제50권7호
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• pp.15-31
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• 2000

1. After the Chu Dynasty(周代), we can confirm the fish shape mark made of stones as the relics of the Chunkuk dynasty(戰國時代). In the Shu Dynasty(隋代), the system of bamboo and the rabbit shape mark made of silver into the fish shape mark. As it were, made of bamboo or siltier changed into the fish shape mark made of jade, gold, silver or wood. 2. In the Dang Dynasty(唐代), the used the fish shape credit mark made of jade, gold, silver, copper or textile, according to their classes. According to one's posit the man who wore purple, red coat, credit mark made a gold and silver. attached with putting them in fish bags. 3. In the Ryo Dynasty(遼代), there was also a system of attaching marks. The emperor was hanging the fish shape and the officials attached the double fish shape to the common dress. fish shape of jade. gold, amber, agate, silver or copper. without any fish bag. 4. The Song Dynasty(宋代) followed the system of the Dang Dynasty they used only the fish shape bags without marks in them. Hanging the fish shape bags made of gold and silver at the back side of the belt. 5. The Gin Dynasty(金代) carried out the system of made jade, gold or silver like the Dang, Song and Ryo Dynasty. In the Sejong Kingdom a system of paper card was carried out as the credit mark of the eighth and the ninth grade. 6. In the Ming Dynasty(明代), the military official general attached the golden, silver, ivory of jade, wood and copper cards with their positions and names. 7. Following the Dang Dynasty, Japan made of fish shape bags to their clothes. Colors of their fish shape marks were same as their clothes. They made the marks, such as crystal, cow's horn, lead and nickel and plated them with gold or silver. 8. In Korea, Pohai(발해) established the fish shape credit mark differed in material. gold, silver or copper according to their positions. We can confirm the Unified Silla(南國;統一新羅), carried out the system of attaching the fish shape in Chonma Chong(천마총), Golden Crown Chong(金冠塚), the King's 13-17 belt ring unearthed at the north part of Court South threat Chong(황남대총), the fish shape golden or silver, to their purple or red ceremonial coats. In the Koryo Dynasty(高麗), like the Dang, Song and Pohai, they attached the fish shape golden or silver marks, to their purple or red ceremonial coats.

• 대한한의정보학회지
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• 제16권2호
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• pp.163-187
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• 2010

The concept of latent-gi(伏氣) was first mentioned in Yellow Emperor's Canon of Internal Medicine. For example, Elementary Questions states, "Damage by cold in winter necessarily engenders warm disease in the spring." Zhang Zhong-Jing of Han Dynasty in On Cold Damage and Miscellaneous Diseases mentions warm disease, stating, for example, "Greater yang disease with heat effusion and cough and without aversion to cold is warm disease. If sweating is applied, and there is generalized heat, this is wind warmth." However, the concept of warm disease was not central to his systematic presentation of externally contracted disease which placed the emphasis on wind and cold as the major causes of these diseases. Zhang Zhong-Jing's theories centuries after in the Sung Dynasty were to become the focus of the cold damage school, whereas the concept of warm disease was to become the focus of a rival school, the warm disease school. In the Sui-Tang Period, The Origin and Indications of Disease mentions warm diseases, their causes, patterns, and major principles of treatment. Successive generations of doctors wrote about warm disease, and in the Ming Dynasty writings on the subject become more prolific. This development is attributable on the one hand to the opening up of the south of China where febrile diseases tended to be of a different nature than in the north, and on the other to pestilences arising as a result of wars. In this period, Wu You-Xing in On Warm Epidemics explained in detail the laws governing the origin, development and pattern identification of warm epidemics. Notably, he posed the etiological notion of a contagious perverse gi.

• 복식
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• 제50권3호
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• pp.59-72
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• 2000

Dragon robe was defined as a robe on which the principal design consisted of dragon. Dragon patterns have been used on princess robes during T'and Dynasty. In Sung, Dragon-figured robes seem to have an Imperial prerogative. Yuan took over the use of robes with dragons patterns as a definite institition. Ming tried to reject all Yuan innovations, the dragon robe was retained as an unofficial court costume. The Emperor's semiformal robes which at first had four dragon medallions, later had twelve along with the 12 Symbols(십이장문). As Ch'ing dragon robes were only intended fro semiformal use. The Later Ch'ing robes date from after 1719, when the Ch'ien-lung(건륭) introduced 12 Symbols on Ch'ing robes. The Ch'ien-lung laws were disobeyed, notably the ones that specified the number of claws on the dragons. THe Emperor's dragon robe, lung-p'ao, (용포) was described as bright yellow in color, having four slits and horsefoof cuffs. The basic pattern consisted of nin dragons, in addition it had 12 Symbols. The elaborate textile techniques reached their peak in Ch'ing Dynasty-with its Weaving and Dyeing Office in Peking, and this factories at Hangchow(항주), Soochow(소주), and Naking(남경) -helps to explain why the decay of the Ch'ing bureaucracy hastended the decline of dragon robes. In the Ch'ing Dynasty tow terms were used for dragon robe, depending on the number of claws on the dragons. Those with five-clawed dragons were called lung-p'ao, while those with four-clawed dragons were called mang-p'ao(망포). The Court felt compelled to take corrective meausres. It decreeed that Ninisters of State and other officials, who had been bestowed five-clawed lung dragons, must take out one claw. Finally, the sale of ranks and the attendant privilege of wearing dragon robes gradually increased during the 18 th century, reaching its height in the 19 th century, Finally, after the Taiping Rebellion, when the Imperial Treasury was depleted by the wholesale destruction of revenue-producing lands, the Chinese government came to depend on such sales as an important source of revenue and the practice became even more widespread. The ensuing mass production of dragon robes, and the necessity of conforming to the fairly rigid basic pattern established in 1759, resulted in marked deterioration of workmanship, and a comparative monotony of decoration. The patterns on the dragon robes slight changes continued to be made in the ways of representign them. The li shui (입수) portion at the base of the robe become inreasingly wider throughout the 19th century. The background became cluttered with symbols of good fortune, scattered among the clouds and waves. As a result of all this extraneous decoration, the dragons were so crowded that they had to shrink back into the small size that they had originally occupied in the medallons. Kuang-hsu(광저) was a long one, allowing time for the manufacture of numerous robes. Also, it would seem likely that Occidental museums and collections would have a considerable number of his robes, in view of the widespread looting of his palaces during the Allied occupation of Peking in 1900, and the frequent sales of Late Ch'ing imperial textiles by destitute Manchu courtiers in the '20's.

• 혜화의학회지
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.661-689
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• 2000

We came to the conculsion after considering all of information from many kinds of books on the cause, pathogenesis and treatment of Flaccidity-syndrome. The results were as follows : 1. Flaccidity-syndrome means limb-relaxation due to muscle atony that isn't able to constraction. It's begun as mild degree from extremities, in some cases ended to quadriplegia or expire. 2. Cause factor and pathogenesis of Flaccidity-syndrome is various. After Lung fluid consuption caused by heat-evil was refered in The Yellow Emperor's Canon of Internal Medicine. They were refered as cause factor that Main channel asthenia, excess of sexual intercourse, wetness-evil, heat-evil gets into the interior, asthenia of the spleen and stomach. Since Ming Dynasty, It's classified to wetness-heat evil, wetness-phlegm, deficiency of vital energy, deficiency of blood, deficiency of yin, blood stasis and indygestion, etc. 3. In the view of treatment of Flaccidity-syndrome, Yangming was selected in The Yellow Emperor's Canon of Internal Medicine, and it's been mean to clear away wetness-heat evil located at Yangming. In the method of acupuncture it was same on the base, and many skills have been used that electronic acupuncture, point-injection theraphy, acupuncture point block, catgut implantaion at acupuncture point, cutaneous acupuncture, auriculo-acupuncture and head acupuncture by the through post generation. 4. Flaccidity-syndrome was defined to weak, disuse and non-pain. Beacause it was non-pain, so medicine to expel wind-evil was prevented to use. But through post generation Flaccidity-syndrome has been treated that is able to cause pain or numness as arthralgia-syndrome. Therefore there is tendency that medicine to expel wind-evil is capable within pathological basement of Flaccidity-syndrome in recent. 5. In the view of west-medicine, Flaccidity-syndrome is diplegia or quadriplegia with sensory disorder, muscle atropy in some cases. And there are spinal disease, peripheral nerve disease, muscular disease, nerve-muscle copula disease. The symptoms are able to amyotomia, numness, sensory disorder, pain.