• Journal of Daesoon Thought and the Religions of East Asia
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.73-99
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• 2023

The dragon is a special imaginary figure created by the people of East Asia. Its archetypes appeared primarily as totemic symbols of different tribes and groups in the region. The formation of early dynasties probably generated the molding of the dragon symbol. Dragon symbols carried deep imprints of nature. They concealed alternative messages of how ancient people at different locations dealt with or interacted with nature. Under pressure to standardize in the medieval and late imperial periods, the popular dragon had to transform physically and ideologically. It became imposed, unified, and framed, conveying ideas of caste classification and power, and losing itsecological implications. The dragon transitioned from a semi-ecological domain into a total social caste system. However, many people considered the "standardized" dragon as the symbol of the oppressor. Because of continuous orthopraxy and calls for imperial reverence, especially under orthopractic agenda and the surveillance of local elites, the popularized dragon was imbued within local artworks or hidden under the sanctity of Buddhas or popular gods in order to survive. Through disguise, the popular dragon partially maintained its ecological narratives. When the imperial dynasties ended in East Asia (1910 in Korea, 1911 in China, 1945 in Vietnam), the dragon was dramatically decentralized. However, trends of re-standardization and re-centralization have emerged recently in China, as the country rises in the global arena. In this newly-emerging "re-orthopraxy", the dragon has been superimposed with a more externally political discourse ("soft power" in international relations) rather than the old-style standardization for internal centralization in the late imperial period. In the contemporary world, science and technology have advanced humanity's ability to improve the world; however, it seems that people have abused science and technology to control nature, consequently damaging the environment (pollution, global warming, etc.). The dragon symbol needs to be re-defined, "re-molded", re-evaluated and reinterpreted accordingly, especially under the newly-emerging lens-the New Confucian "anthropocosmic" view.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.67-71
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• 2024

Mo Youzhi (1811-1871) was a famous scholar, poet and calligrapher in the late Qing Dynasty. Mo Youzhi's life was rich in experience and broad vision, especially during his ten years in the Shogunate of the Tsengoku Domain, and he made friends with many political and cultural elites. Mo Youzhi is talented and diligent, and has a good relationship with celebrities from all walks of life at that time, so that his talents have been fully demonstrated. In the Qing Dynasty, the study of calligraphy became the absolute dominant force in the world of calligraphy, and the first great prosperity occurred after the Qin and Han dynasties. In accordance with the times, Mo Youzhi devotes himself to learning, takes into account the calligraphy, and goes out on his own path. Moe's work seal, li, kai, line, especially fine seal. Based on its Lishu, this paper expounds its typical style and atypical style respectively, and also discusses the relationship between its Lishu and other fonts. Finally, the author briefly summarizes the significance of Li Shu for the creation of contemporary Li Shu.In the course of discussion, always based on calligraphy ink, consult the relevant literature, combined with Mo Youzhi's life experience, try to be objective and fair, the listed points of view can be based on.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.21
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• pp.169-246
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• 2009

The national records management system of the Korean Government has been developed in a close relationship with changes in the administrative system. The national records management system established immediately after the establishment of the Korean Government, began to be reformed as a system with a new feature during the quick transition of the administrative system during the early 1960s. Particularly this new system holds an important meaning in that it began to cope with the mass production system of records and was established on the government level for the first time since the establishment of the government. Also this was a basic framework that defined the records management pattern of the Korean Government for the later 40 years. Therefore, this study aims to identify the origin and the meaning of the national records management system established during the early 1960s. At the time of establishing the government, the administrative system of the Korean Government was not completely free from the framework of the administrative system of the Chosen General Government. This was mainly because the Korean Government had no capability to renovate the administrative system. This was not an exception also for the national records management system. In other words, the forms and preparation methods of official document, an official document management process, and the classification and appraisal system used the records management system of the Chosen General Government without any alteration. Main factors that brought about the reform of the national records management system as well as the change in the Korean administrative system during the early 1960s, were being created in Korean society, starting from the mid 1950s. This resulted from the growth of Korean Army, public officers, and students of administrative science as being the intrinsic elites of Korean society through their respective experience of the US administration. In particular, the reform of the creation, classification, filing, transfer, and preservation system shown during the introduction of a scientific management system of the US Army in the Korean Army was a meaningful change given the historic developing process of Korean records management system history. This change had a decisive effect on the reform of the national records management system during the early 1960s. As the Korean Army, public officers, and students of administrative science, who had posted growth beginning in the mid-1950s, emerged as administrative elites during the early 1960s, the administrative system of the Korean Government brought about a change, which was different from the past in terms of its quality, and the modernization work of documentary administration pursued during the period, became extended to the reform of the national records management system. Then, the direction of reform was 'the efficient and effective control' over records based on scientific management, which was advanced through the medium of the work that accommodate the US office management system and a decimal filing system to Korean administrative circumstances. Consequently, Various official document forms, standards, and the gist of process were improved and standardized, and the appraisal system based on the function-based classification were unified on the government level by introducing a decimal filing system.

• Journal of the Korea Convergence Society
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.155-162
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• 2016

Communication of art and the expansion of roles are some of the important discourses of art. For a while, many attempts were made to overcome the enjoyment of art by only a few elites and the alienation of roles. In the meanwhile, due to its formative nature, media art has contributed to the various expansion of roles as a familiar art in society and by communicating with the public in various play contents and industrial context. This study will take a step further and examined whether media art can assess and be used in social issues through the characteristic analysis of 'media art information visualization.' The general field of information visualization only focuses on the clarity of information delivery, so it is effective for intuitively identifying various information. However, stiff visual expression must improve user-friendly functions in an era in which users' sensibility is increasing, and it only focuses on the effectiveness of information delivery that its secondary social problem such as personal information protection must be compensated. Thus, this research analyze the characteristics of case works to examine how the visualization of media art information can approach social problems creatively, seek the expansion of the role of art and compensate the areas that general information visualization is missing.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.40 no.5 s.110
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• pp.473-490
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• 2005

The term hybridity has recently emerged as one of the most popularized leitmotivs in contemporary diasporic and transnational problematics on migrants' nomadic experiences. Especially, in postcolonial politics, hybridity is argued to provide a critical 'third space' on which to challenge discursive boundaries and redescribe power-embedded history However, this paper suggests that the hybrid subject position can be easily articulated in producing new cultural discourse and empowering hegemonic subjects in certain spates. Based on distinguishing the intentional, conscious hybridity from the organic, lived hybridity, this research Intends to investigate the Janus-faced, double-edged nature of the postcolonial politics of hybridity in the case of Los Angeles Koreatown. First, I discuss how a place of organic hybridity in Koreatown can lead to challenging invented and depoliticized ethnicity. At the second half of this paper, 1 focus on understanding the ways in which new Korean American professionals and elites employ the discourse of '1.5 generation' as an intentional hybridity for empowering their own political position at a local scale. I conclusively suggest that hybridity should be a deconstructive strategy to unlearn dominant socio-spatial boundaries rather than bring about the third space as a reterritorialized political position.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.32
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• pp.295-332
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• 2006

This study inquires at behavior and attitude of gatekeepers at major Korean media in the process of selecting and covering newsmakers, with focusing on factors, paths and practices in making news on the people. The study assumes that gatekeepers' social networking process with social elites, based on birth places, alma mater and kinship, plays great role in making people in the news. The study applies methods of in-depth interviews with people-page gatekeepers and content analysis of news on newsmakers. The in-depth interviews and content analysis unveil that people-page gatekeepers tend to support high society and social elite group. Furthermore, through the process of news-making, the gatekeeper group shares social capital such as economic exchanges and socio-political influences with social elite group. The result of interviews and analysis confirm that social networking based on personal affiliation plays as an important factor in selecting and covering newsmakers. With in-depth analysis of news contents, the study finds out that social elite groups of top government officials, corporate CEOs, medical doctors, lawyers, judges, prosecutors, college professors, cultural celebrities and journalists, who are predominantly male, appear on people pages much frequently out of proportion. The content analysis also reveal that 'personal news,' which cover personal and private life or unilaterally promote newsmakers predominate in terms of frequency and amount over socially-important or pubic-interested 'public news.' In terms of news values, fragmentary news composed of sensational, personal and gossiping elements appear more frequently than socially-meaningful news with strong social issues and public messages.

• Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.1407-1412
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• 2012

Background & Objectives: Gastric cancer is a leading cause of cancer-related deaths in both sexes in Iran. This study was designed to assess upper GI endoscopic findings among people > 50 years targeted in a mass screening program in a hot-point region. Methods: Based on the pilot results in Guilan Cancer Registry study (GCRS), one of the high point regions for GC-Lashtenesha- was selected. The target population was called mainly using two methods: in rural regions, by house-house direct referral and in urban areas using public media. Upper GI endoscopy was performed by trained endoscopists. All participants underwent biopsies for rapid urea test (RUT) from the antrum and also further biopsies from five defined points of stomach for detection of precancerous lesions. In cases of visible gross lesions, more diagnostic biopsies were taken and submitted for histopathologic evaluation. Results: Of 1,394 initial participants, finally 1,382 persons (702 women, 680 men) with a mean age of $61.7{\pm}9.0$ years (range: 50-87 years) underwent upper GI endoscopy. H. pylori infection based on the RUT was positive in 66.6%. Gastric adenocarcinoma and squamous cell carcinoma of esophagus were detected in seven (0.5%) and one (0.07%) persons, respectively. A remarkable proportion of studied participants were found to have esophageal hiatal hernia (38.4%). Asymptomatic gastric masses found in 1.1% (15) of cases which were mostly located in antrum (33.3%), cardia (20.0%) and prepyloric area (20.0%). Gastric and duodenal ulcers were found in 5.9% (82) and 6.9% (96) of the screened population. Conclusion: Upper endoscopy screening is an effective technique for early detection of GC especially in high risk populations. Further studies are required to evaluate cost effectiveness, cost benefit and mortality and morbidity of this method among high and moderate risk population before recommending this method for the GC surveillance program at the national level.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.408-422
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• 2013

This paper builds on recent scholarly endeavours to establish a body of knowledge on Varieties of Asian Capitalism/Asian Business Systems. The forthcoming Oxford handbook of Asian business systems systematically compares institutional capitalist arrangements across Asia including Laos, yet there is no chapter on Cambodia. The objective of this paper is to compare the Lao and Cambodian varieties of Asian capitalism, with special reference to the role of the state and the economic geography of both countries. Accordingly, it seeks answers to the questions as to how territory has become a key arena for re-organising economic power and how the Lao and Cambodian state themselves are being transformed through state capitalism and the Beijing-Seoul-Tokyo Consensus. A comparative analysis reveals a difference between state-coordinated frontier capitalism in Laos versus patrimonial oligarchy in Cambodia. Interdependencies between the market and the state in Laos display the state as active and interventionist. In some provinces the central government leaves decision making to provincial elites contributing to the emergence of other distinctive regional varieties of capitalism. The rising spatially less selective oligarchs in Cambodia focus relatively more on markets, but are certainly not seeking free markets with equal entry opportunities. The findings offer interesting possibilities for further research on the spaces of Asian capitalism, both from an empirical and theoretical perspective. More work should be done to accommodate the role of small and medium enterprises and theories need to better integrate oligarchic, personal and familial capitalism. Finally, comparative corridor studies in Laos could lead to better insights into the nature of regional varieties of capitalism.

• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-153
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• 1999

Since 1980's there have been two trends that obviously developed in the would -- economics globalization and urban internationalization. China, with is reform and opening-up policy and rapid economic growth, keeps pace with these two trends. The term "International City" has no putative standard or definition. If we make an analogue of urban functional hierarchy in the world with a pyramid, the International Citiesa are the few elites on its top. The highest level international cities can be called "World City" or "Global City". In today's new international division of labor, they are diversified leading cities with control capacity on a world scale, like New York, London, and Tokyo. The secondary international cities are either diversified cities with influence and regulative functions on multinational scale or specialized cities on politics, economics, culture, or other aspects with worldwide impact. Judged by different criteria, there is no city that is qualified as International City with the exception of Hong Kong, which was returned to the P.R. of China in 1997. Nevertheless, Some favorable conditions for the development of the international city still exist in China. This country is already the sixth largest economic entity in the world, and the second largest economic entity in the world, and the second largest one if GNP estimated by ppp. Furthermore its import and export value make up for 40% of its GNP, indicating that China is repidly merging into global economy. In this 1, 2 billion-population country, the difference of economic levels between urban and rural, coastal and inland regions is so big that a few metropolises in the coastal region have the possibilities and potentials to develop into international cities regardless of rather low GNP per capita of the whole country. This article will focus on analysis from several perspectives, such as the proportion of foreign trade values in GDP, the proportion of imports and exports by foreign funded enterprises in total foreign trade value; distribution of the 500 largest foreign-funded enterprises; distribution of the 500 enterprises with largest import and export values; distrigbution of foreign computer and telecom companies with offices in China; the number of outward flights per week and the international tourists; the value of foreign capital used in cities and so on. From this analysis, it is predicted that Chinese international cities will surely emergy from the eastern coastal regions and they must be the core cities of metropolitan interlocking regions that have been formed or in the process of forming. Those international cities will arise from south to north in turn : Hong Kong-Guangzhu, Shanghai, Beijing-Tianjin, and perhaps the last one is Dalian-Shenyang. The other side of this issue is that there is a long way for the coming international cities in China except Hong Kong. At least China and these core cities must continually devote to (1) improve the regional composition of foreign capital sources. (2) improve the composition of export commodities. (3) improve the investment environment (including hard and soft environment) to attract more transnational corporations to settle. (4) deepen the reform of state-owned enterprises and establish Chinese own transnational corporations to enter the world market.ons to enter the world market.