Protests are not new in Malaysia, though it is restricted by the ruling government. The trend of street protests and demonstrations since the emergence of Coalition for Clean and Fair Elections (Bersih), Malaysia's first people movement on electoral reform, has triggered a sentiment of people power among Malaysian citizens. With protests and popular mobilization becoming pronounced in Malaysian politics, political activism becomes for Malaysians a channel of discontent and expression of political preferences. Using information obtained from interviews with individuals linked to the movement, this paper articulates that protests are no longer exclusive to Malaysians. This paper illustrates the emergence of the Bersih movement and explores the three Bersih mass rallies that took place in 2007, 2011, and 2012. This paper further links the protests with the electoral reform initiatives. It argues that the Bersih movement has managed to lobby fundamental changes in the Malaysian political culture.
Journal of information and communication convergence engineering
/
v.22
no.1
/
pp.7-13
/
2024
User preferences and ratings may be anticipated by recommendation systems, which are widely used in social networking, online shopping, healthcare, and even energy efficiency. Constructing trustworthy recommender systems for various applications, requires the analysis and mining of vast quantities of user data, including demographics. This study focuses on holding elections with vague voter and candidate preferences. Collaborative user ratings are used by filtering algorithms to provide suggestions. To avoid information overload, consumers are directed towards items that they are more likely to prefer based on the profile data used by recommender systems. Better interactions between governments, residents, and businesses may result from studies on recommender systems that facilitate the use of e-government services. To broaden people's access to the democratic process, the concept of "e-democracy" applies new media technologies. This study provides a framework for an electronic voting advisory system that uses machine learning.
Local autonomy of Korea's lower-level local council has been reinstated following elections last March for the first time in thirty years. Last June, we had elections for the upper-level local council. Mayors, governors, and administrative chiefs of cities, provinces and other local government bodies are slated for elections in the first half of next year. The impacts of local autonomy are taking effect in not only the political sphere, but also the administrative and economic spheres. In fact, it seems that some modification of all economic policy making and administration is inevitable. Since the initiation of local autonomy, in order to make the economy work more efficiently, it has become quite important to examine the impact of local autonomy on the national economy. The areas of local autonomy include independent legislative power, administrative power, organizational power, and most important of all, the independent public financial power of the local governments. The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of local autonomy on the national economy and ways of enhancing the role of local public finance to facilitate settlement and development of the local autonomy system. Local autonomy will contribute to the continuous growth of our economy, allow balanced development, and generate greater efficiency. However, local autonomy can also incur economic costs causing at times short-term price instability, inefficient resource allocation, through tax competition and tax exporting, and insolvency of local government due to abusive fiscal operation. To reduce these side effects, different alternatives must be considered. Local autonomy systems generally provide more efficient resource allocation than centralization. But in the model used in Chapter 3 of this paper, the relative efficiencies of both local autonomy and centralization are determined by comparing the elasticity of substitution between national public goods and local public goods. If the elasticity of substitution is bigger than one, centralization provides a more efficient resource allocation. The development of local autonomy could be attained through democratization of the local public finance system including the following three propositions. I) The independence of public financial power of local governments should be established over central government. Furthermore, a democratically operated scheme of intergovernmental fiscal coordination is especially necessary. 2) In the operation of local finance, direct democracy is needed to induce the voluntary participation of local residents. The residents can take part in planning both the local budget and the development of the community. To attain this goal, all the results of local finance operations should be made public. 3) Among economic ill-effects of the local autonomy system, the most serious one is the possibility of insolvency of local governments. Therefore, measures to limit abusive spending by the local governments should be introduced, such as the fiscal restraints system adopted in the United States.
In the democratic country, it is the very natural principle that political party makes the candidate. In spite of that the nomination of political party abolition issue is not in the local election the problem of is being easily solved. Therefore, the recent argument about the nomination of political party of the basic local election and overseas case were organized and the reasonable alternative was sought for. As to the argument related to the nomination of political party, the discussion in which the groping of the waste paper or new alternative is needed stops so that the existing politicians can overcome the nomination of political party evil in spite of the opposition position. In the positive investigation, the populations which are many in the waste paper of the system of public nomination by party agree. However, the bad effect that can be shown up according to the waste paper of the nomination of political party is the woman allocation door. Therefore, some alternatives were presented in the bad effect that can be shown up according to the waste paper of the nomination of political party. This alternative is the participation subject expansion, the introduction of political party claim to support, the introduction of local political party system, the application of upward official nomination procedure, and etc. The participation subject expansion presented logically as the optimum alternative among this method, the decision of the alternative should be confirmed through the social agreement procedure.
Under the pressure of the selection of topics and the presentation rules of mass media, politics in media society increasingly resort to professionalized forms of theatrical staging as a means of self-portrayal. Although these staging methods are not contradictory to what is actually going on in politics, they strongly advantage the tendency to focus exclusively on the staging of an event. Through their competition for public attention, politicians have been developing sophistication regarding placement and staging of events as well as regarding factual information. In the process of this transformation, politics that are issue-related and based on binding decisions are being gradually transformed into symbolic politics. Moreover, through their appearance on TV, politicians first of all need to possess presentational skills which are not necessarily related to their political achievements. Still, presentational skills decide over the success in politics of those politicians. The reason is that a politician who possesses presentational skills is still being perceived as being successful even if his political achievements notedly lag behind. On the other hand, political achievements are being underrated if a politician lacks the talent to present himself in front of the media. “The staging of politics, “politainment”, on the stage of mass media is evolving into a key structure which is responsible for a new coinage of politics in all different kinds of dimensions: the selection of staff, the role of action programs and their impact for the legitimation of political acting, even in relation to therole of pivotal political institutions such as parties and parliaments in the political process. The TV debates during the Bundestag elections of the year 2002 and 2005 are being analyzed and judged as “staging of politics”(politainment). Self-dramatization in media society concerning media discourses about politics and political self-portrayal has become a basic principle of political communication. Self-dramatization is a vital challenge for adequate political communication and content-based orientation in our present media democracies.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
/
v.49
no.5
/
pp.46-58
/
2021
Parks became essential to people after the introduction of modern parks in Korea. Following mayoral elections by popular vote, issues surrounding parks, such as the creation of parks, have arisen and have been publicized by the media, allowing for the formation of discourse. Accordingly, this study conducted a topic analysis by collecting news articles from major media outlets in Korea that addressed issues related to parks since 1995, after the introduction of mayoral elections by popular vote, and analyzed changes over time in the discourse on parks through semantic network analysis. As a result of a Latent Dirichlet allocation topic modeling analysis, the following five topics were classified: urban park expansion (Topic 1), historical and cultural parks (Topic 2), use programs (Topic 3), zoo event (Topic 4), and conflicts in the park creation process (Topic 5). The park-related discourse addressed by the media is as follows. First, the creation process and conflicts regarding the quantitative expansion of parks are treated as the central discourse. Second, the names of parks appear as keywords every time a new park is created, and they are mentioned continuously from then on, thereby playing an important role in the formation of discourse. Third, 'residents' form discourse about the public nature of the park as the principal agent in park-related media. This study has significance in that it examines how parks are interpreted and how discourse is formed and changed by the media. It is expected that discourse on parks will be addressed from various perspectives in further research focusing on other media, such as regional and specialized magazines.
This study attempts to analyze gender gaps in voter turnout for three different types of elections held since 2017 at the aggregate level using the Central Election Management Commission's turnout data, paying attention to the importance of women's voting. The findings are as follows. First, modern gender gaps in voter turnout at the aggregate level are confirmed in most regions regardless of election types. Second, the gender gap in turnout varies with age. The gender difference is verified in the "widowhood effect," where turnout decreases in the oldest-old. In the new voter group, modern gender gaps appear in most regions. The reversed gender difference in turnout in the late 20s, which reflects the Korean society's characteristics, is confirmed in all elections. Third, it is unclear whether the reverse gender gap in turnout becomes more pronounced in urbanized districts. As urbanization progressed, modern gender differences in voter turnout across age groups are observed at the population-based size level. Paradoxically, the modern gender gap tends to be weak and turns into the traditional gender gap in younger age groups (in the late thirties) in Gangnam-gu and Seocho-gu, the most modernized districts in Seoul. These results show that the modern gender gap in turnout is now a common phenomenon and continues to be strengthened by newly recruited voters in Korea. Thus we should pay more attention to female voters' political behavior and a new approach beyond the developmental theory to understand the causal mechanism to generate the modern gender gap in voter turnout.
Purpose: This study analyze the correlation between elections and wild Fire to provide information necessary for formulating wild fire prevention and response policies. Method: Data of the Forest Service and the Meteorological Administration were used to compare the occurrence and burned area of wild fires in election and non-election years. Statistical significance between the two groups was analyzed with an independent sample t-test, and MANOVA(multivariate analysis of variance) was used to evaluate the effects of temperature and humidity. Result: There was no statistical significance in the occurrence and burn area of wild fires between election and non-election years. However, analysis of the raw data indicated significantly greater damage in election years. MANOVA revealed that election status, temperature, and humidity did not significantly impact the occurrence and burn area of large wild fires. Conclusion: Wild fire occurrence and burned area were higher election years than non-election years, possibly due to election-related social factors. Thus, enhancing wild fire prevention and response policies in election years and considering weather factors and social activites is necessary.
Manual elections processes in Egypt have several negative effects; that mainly leads to political corruption due to the lack of transparency. These issues negatively influence citizen's participation in the political life; while electronic voting systems aim to increase efficiency, transparency, and reduce the cost comparing to the manual voting. The main research objectives are, finding the successful factors that positively affects E-voting implementation in Egypt, in addition of finding out the reasons that keep Egyptian government far from applying E-voting, and to come up with the road map that Egyptian government has to take into consideration to successfully implement E-voting systems. The findings of the study suggest that there are seven independent variables affecting e-voting implementation which are; leadership, government willingness, legal framework, technical quality, awareness, citizen's trust in government and IT literacy. Technology-Organization-Environment (TOE) theory was used to provide an analytical framework for the study. A quantitative approach (i.e., survey questionnaire) strategy was used to collect data. A random sampling method was used to select the participants for the survey, whom are targeted voters in Egypt and have access to the internet, since the questionnaire was distributed online and the data is analyzed using regression analysis. Practical implications of this study will lead for more citizen participation in the political life due to the transparency that E-voting system will create, in addition to reduce the political corruption.
It was emphasized that national electronic identification card system should be a prerequisite for the entire administrative services. Furthermore, the government so designed the plan on the assumption of national electronic identification card system that it could manage services for the public, elections, and most of decision-making processes. Nevertheless, national electronic identification card system has drifted for a fairly long time without being institutionalized. On the basis of the policy examples, this study tries to examine the process and discuss on what elements of conflict have been shown. Though it is all water under the bridge, it is thought that, when the new policy emerges in the future, recurrent failures can be reduced by a case study like this.
본 웹사이트에 게시된 이메일 주소가 전자우편 수집 프로그램이나
그 밖의 기술적 장치를 이용하여 무단으로 수집되는 것을 거부하며,
이를 위반시 정보통신망법에 의해 형사 처벌됨을 유념하시기 바랍니다.
[게시일 2004년 10월 1일]
이용약관
제 1 장 총칙
제 1 조 (목적)
이 이용약관은 KoreaScience 홈페이지(이하 “당 사이트”)에서 제공하는 인터넷 서비스(이하 '서비스')의 가입조건 및 이용에 관한 제반 사항과 기타 필요한 사항을 구체적으로 규정함을 목적으로 합니다.
제 2 조 (용어의 정의)
① "이용자"라 함은 당 사이트에 접속하여 이 약관에 따라 당 사이트가 제공하는 서비스를 받는 회원 및 비회원을
말합니다.
② "회원"이라 함은 서비스를 이용하기 위하여 당 사이트에 개인정보를 제공하여 아이디(ID)와 비밀번호를 부여
받은 자를 말합니다.
③ "회원 아이디(ID)"라 함은 회원의 식별 및 서비스 이용을 위하여 자신이 선정한 문자 및 숫자의 조합을
말합니다.
④ "비밀번호(패스워드)"라 함은 회원이 자신의 비밀보호를 위하여 선정한 문자 및 숫자의 조합을 말합니다.
제 3 조 (이용약관의 효력 및 변경)
① 이 약관은 당 사이트에 게시하거나 기타의 방법으로 회원에게 공지함으로써 효력이 발생합니다.
② 당 사이트는 이 약관을 개정할 경우에 적용일자 및 개정사유를 명시하여 현행 약관과 함께 당 사이트의
초기화면에 그 적용일자 7일 이전부터 적용일자 전일까지 공지합니다. 다만, 회원에게 불리하게 약관내용을
변경하는 경우에는 최소한 30일 이상의 사전 유예기간을 두고 공지합니다. 이 경우 당 사이트는 개정 전
내용과 개정 후 내용을 명확하게 비교하여 이용자가 알기 쉽도록 표시합니다.
제 4 조(약관 외 준칙)
① 이 약관은 당 사이트가 제공하는 서비스에 관한 이용안내와 함께 적용됩니다.
② 이 약관에 명시되지 아니한 사항은 관계법령의 규정이 적용됩니다.
제 2 장 이용계약의 체결
제 5 조 (이용계약의 성립 등)
① 이용계약은 이용고객이 당 사이트가 정한 약관에 「동의합니다」를 선택하고, 당 사이트가 정한
온라인신청양식을 작성하여 서비스 이용을 신청한 후, 당 사이트가 이를 승낙함으로써 성립합니다.
② 제1항의 승낙은 당 사이트가 제공하는 과학기술정보검색, 맞춤정보, 서지정보 등 다른 서비스의 이용승낙을
포함합니다.
제 6 조 (회원가입)
서비스를 이용하고자 하는 고객은 당 사이트에서 정한 회원가입양식에 개인정보를 기재하여 가입을 하여야 합니다.
제 7 조 (개인정보의 보호 및 사용)
당 사이트는 관계법령이 정하는 바에 따라 회원 등록정보를 포함한 회원의 개인정보를 보호하기 위해 노력합니다. 회원 개인정보의 보호 및 사용에 대해서는 관련법령 및 당 사이트의 개인정보 보호정책이 적용됩니다.
제 8 조 (이용 신청의 승낙과 제한)
① 당 사이트는 제6조의 규정에 의한 이용신청고객에 대하여 서비스 이용을 승낙합니다.
② 당 사이트는 아래사항에 해당하는 경우에 대해서 승낙하지 아니 합니다.
- 이용계약 신청서의 내용을 허위로 기재한 경우
- 기타 규정한 제반사항을 위반하며 신청하는 경우
제 9 조 (회원 ID 부여 및 변경 등)
① 당 사이트는 이용고객에 대하여 약관에 정하는 바에 따라 자신이 선정한 회원 ID를 부여합니다.
② 회원 ID는 원칙적으로 변경이 불가하며 부득이한 사유로 인하여 변경 하고자 하는 경우에는 해당 ID를
해지하고 재가입해야 합니다.
③ 기타 회원 개인정보 관리 및 변경 등에 관한 사항은 서비스별 안내에 정하는 바에 의합니다.
제 3 장 계약 당사자의 의무
제 10 조 (KISTI의 의무)
① 당 사이트는 이용고객이 희망한 서비스 제공 개시일에 특별한 사정이 없는 한 서비스를 이용할 수 있도록
하여야 합니다.
② 당 사이트는 개인정보 보호를 위해 보안시스템을 구축하며 개인정보 보호정책을 공시하고 준수합니다.
③ 당 사이트는 회원으로부터 제기되는 의견이나 불만이 정당하다고 객관적으로 인정될 경우에는 적절한 절차를
거쳐 즉시 처리하여야 합니다. 다만, 즉시 처리가 곤란한 경우는 회원에게 그 사유와 처리일정을 통보하여야
합니다.
제 11 조 (회원의 의무)
① 이용자는 회원가입 신청 또는 회원정보 변경 시 실명으로 모든 사항을 사실에 근거하여 작성하여야 하며,
허위 또는 타인의 정보를 등록할 경우 일체의 권리를 주장할 수 없습니다.
② 당 사이트가 관계법령 및 개인정보 보호정책에 의거하여 그 책임을 지는 경우를 제외하고 회원에게 부여된
ID의 비밀번호 관리소홀, 부정사용에 의하여 발생하는 모든 결과에 대한 책임은 회원에게 있습니다.
③ 회원은 당 사이트 및 제 3자의 지적 재산권을 침해해서는 안 됩니다.
제 4 장 서비스의 이용
제 12 조 (서비스 이용 시간)
① 서비스 이용은 당 사이트의 업무상 또는 기술상 특별한 지장이 없는 한 연중무휴, 1일 24시간 운영을
원칙으로 합니다. 단, 당 사이트는 시스템 정기점검, 증설 및 교체를 위해 당 사이트가 정한 날이나 시간에
서비스를 일시 중단할 수 있으며, 예정되어 있는 작업으로 인한 서비스 일시중단은 당 사이트 홈페이지를
통해 사전에 공지합니다.
② 당 사이트는 서비스를 특정범위로 분할하여 각 범위별로 이용가능시간을 별도로 지정할 수 있습니다. 다만
이 경우 그 내용을 공지합니다.
제 13 조 (홈페이지 저작권)
① NDSL에서 제공하는 모든 저작물의 저작권은 원저작자에게 있으며, KISTI는 복제/배포/전송권을 확보하고
있습니다.
② NDSL에서 제공하는 콘텐츠를 상업적 및 기타 영리목적으로 복제/배포/전송할 경우 사전에 KISTI의 허락을
받아야 합니다.
③ NDSL에서 제공하는 콘텐츠를 보도, 비평, 교육, 연구 등을 위하여 정당한 범위 안에서 공정한 관행에
합치되게 인용할 수 있습니다.
④ NDSL에서 제공하는 콘텐츠를 무단 복제, 전송, 배포 기타 저작권법에 위반되는 방법으로 이용할 경우
저작권법 제136조에 따라 5년 이하의 징역 또는 5천만 원 이하의 벌금에 처해질 수 있습니다.
제 14 조 (유료서비스)
① 당 사이트 및 협력기관이 정한 유료서비스(원문복사 등)는 별도로 정해진 바에 따르며, 변경사항은 시행 전에
당 사이트 홈페이지를 통하여 회원에게 공지합니다.
② 유료서비스를 이용하려는 회원은 정해진 요금체계에 따라 요금을 납부해야 합니다.
제 5 장 계약 해지 및 이용 제한
제 15 조 (계약 해지)
회원이 이용계약을 해지하고자 하는 때에는 [가입해지] 메뉴를 이용해 직접 해지해야 합니다.
제 16 조 (서비스 이용제한)
① 당 사이트는 회원이 서비스 이용내용에 있어서 본 약관 제 11조 내용을 위반하거나, 다음 각 호에 해당하는
경우 서비스 이용을 제한할 수 있습니다.
- 2년 이상 서비스를 이용한 적이 없는 경우
- 기타 정상적인 서비스 운영에 방해가 될 경우
② 상기 이용제한 규정에 따라 서비스를 이용하는 회원에게 서비스 이용에 대하여 별도 공지 없이 서비스 이용의
일시정지, 이용계약 해지 할 수 있습니다.
제 17 조 (전자우편주소 수집 금지)
회원은 전자우편주소 추출기 등을 이용하여 전자우편주소를 수집 또는 제3자에게 제공할 수 없습니다.
제 6 장 손해배상 및 기타사항
제 18 조 (손해배상)
당 사이트는 무료로 제공되는 서비스와 관련하여 회원에게 어떠한 손해가 발생하더라도 당 사이트가 고의 또는 과실로 인한 손해발생을 제외하고는 이에 대하여 책임을 부담하지 아니합니다.
제 19 조 (관할 법원)
서비스 이용으로 발생한 분쟁에 대해 소송이 제기되는 경우 민사 소송법상의 관할 법원에 제기합니다.
[부 칙]
1. (시행일) 이 약관은 2016년 9월 5일부터 적용되며, 종전 약관은 본 약관으로 대체되며, 개정된 약관의 적용일 이전 가입자도 개정된 약관의 적용을 받습니다.