• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2014

This study traces the possibility of political change in the Malaysian electoral history, especially by focusing on the 13th general election held in May 2013. The results of the 13th general election was another turning point in the history of Malaysia's electoral politics. Following after the 12th general election held in 2008, opposition coalition(PR) achieves a remarkable electoral result by obtaining over 50% of the total votes. Opposition parties also successfully collapsed the ruling coalition(BN)'s two-third majority in parliamentary. It was de-facto defeat of the ruling coalition and victory of the opposition coalition. More precisely, the 2013 election results show that the reformasi movement, which was active in 1998-99 period, are still alive and its impact on Malaysian electoral politics get stronger. Malaysia has long been considered as a typical electoral authoritarian regime since its independence in 1957. It is because that there has been negative relations between electoral politics and political change through out its electoral history. As shown in the most recent two general elections held in 2008 and 2013, however, Malaysia's hegemonic political system can be possibly changed through electoral politics. This article examines the detailed results of the series of post-reformarsi general elections(1999, 2004, 2008, 2013) and its political implications towards the nexus of electoral politics and political change under the electoral authoritarian regime in Malaysia.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.5-31
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• 2024

The US-led and European partners supporting liberal international order has dwindled. A number of research has been conducted to explore reasons, starting point, the possibility of resurrection, and even the future scenarios of the international order. This is particularly important for the EU, in that the EU was built for a world that is peaceful, multilateral and driven by compromise inseparable from the liberal international order. The current situation of the crisis in the international order is also important to emerging powers notably China and Russia which seek for a new order best suitable for their own interests. In this sense, this paper explains the significance of the liberal international order to the EU, the necessity of salvaging an order or creating a new order, and important variables - elections held in 2024 across the EU, in the European Parliament, and the US, Russia's invasion of Ukraine, trans-atlantic partnership and EU-China relations - which possibly affect the EU to establish a new European order. In fact, the EU is unlikely to take the lead in forming a new international order. Nonetheless, the first task the EU should do is to acknowledge the crisis situation at present and to make a decision of the EU's position and role regarding saved, reformed or newly shaped order.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.58
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• pp.55-73
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• 2012

This study is critical research on the forming public opinion of SNS and participation behavior. Twitter is a typical SNS service, free school food and 10.26 re-and by-elections during the formation of public opinion on the impact have been investigated. Formation of public opinion about Twitter's analysis of the first research question, The case of free meals to support the Mayor Oh, rather than against Twitter were influential. 10.26 re-and by-elections Twitter in space, the Park' candidate than Na' candidate has formed a favorable opinion. Power twitterian and twitterian on the behavior of the second study involved analysis of the problem, For free meals, power twitterian were responsible for leading the public opinion. For 10.26 re-and by-elections, Power twitterian were more Park' candidates than Na' candidates. In addition, Park' candidates of twitterians were communicating more. Through traditional media in the process of forming public opinion was swayed by public opinion to the target people simply but SNS age people involved in the production and distribution of the issue and the issue has a leading role.

• Journal of the Institute of Electronics and Information Engineers
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• v.50 no.10
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• pp.50-64
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• 2013

In clustered sensor networks, since a CH (Cluster Head) collects data from its members and delivers the collected data to the sink, it is very important to prevent compromised nodes from joining a CH election and manipulating and fabricating the election result. In order to protect CH elections from compromised nodes, unpredictability, non-manipulability, and agreement property should be guaranteed in CH elections. However, existing CH election schemes cannot prevent intelligent compromised nodes from skilfully violating those properties via their cooperation. In this paper, we propose a scheme which protects the CH election process by detecting intelligent compromised nodes and excluding them. For every CH election round, each member gives a direct trust value to other members according to their behavior. Then a real reputation value is given to each member by combining the direct trust value and indirect trust values provided by other members. Then, each node evaluates the real reputation values of members in its cluster and excludes some untrustable nodes from CH candidates. The scheme greatly improves the non-manipulability and agreement property of CH election results compared to other rival schemes. Furthermore, the scheme preserves the high non-manipulability and the high agreement property even in an environment where message losses can happen.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.28-51
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• 2012

This study explored the influence of media use on the audiences' intention to vote as well as their political cynicism in 2012 General elections. I offered three research questions: Research Question 1: What is the impact of media use on the political cynicism? Research Question 2: What are the impact of political intersest, political knowledge, media malaise, political efficacy on the political cynicism? Research Question 3: What is the impact of political cynicism on vote behavior? This study analysed survey data. Based on the results of hierarchial regression analysis and path analysis(AMOS), Internet news use was found to have a significant impact on the political cynicism. But the use of newspaper, TV news were not related to political cynicism. The political efficacy decreased political cynicism effectively, The findings from this study indicate that the relationship between media use and political cynicism is contingent on many factors and that cynicism has a negligible impact on citizen participation. This study also found that persons higher in efficacy were less cynical than low in efficacy. This suggest that cynicism is not always bad thing, that it may in fact be an indication of "an interested and critical citizenry". In conclusion this study showed that we need more in-depth analyses on the relationships among attention to media use, political cynicism and voting behavior to activate political participation.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.39-66
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• 2018

This paper analyzes the structures and issues of 2018 Korean local elections based on the author's observations on the electoral processes. Even if this paper does not follow a traditional statistical method, it provides the interpretative meanings of 2018 local elections by utilizing an expert's observations of campaign processes. This result of 2018 election can be summarized into two analytical frames. In terms of electoral competition structure, three key factors, such as presidential approval rating, party competition structure, ideological spectrum, tend to affect the winning of governing party. In the light of election issue, the inter-Korean summit, the Washington-Pyeongyang summit, Incheon deprecating remark were positive to the vote gains of governing party, but the negative campaign, the drucking scandal and the swing voters were found not to be significant. The local election in Korea tends to show dual meanings, a proxy war of national-level politics and a composition process of local government. This paper found that the 2018 election has dual meanings at the same time, in a sense that it is the punishment of the ex-governing party's wrongdoing and the power change of local government.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.5-40
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• 2021

In the 4.7 by-election in 2021, the ruling Democratic Party suffered a record devastating defeat, breaking the trend of a post-intermediate evaluation confirmed in the recent election. Why did the Democratic Party lose by a large margin unlike the recent election trend? In order to find answers to these questions, this study analyzes the voting behavior of individual voters based on the voter consciousness survey data conducted after the 4.7 by-election, while examining the background and causes of such voter choices. As a result of the study, in the 4.7 by-election, as confirmed in previous studies, public opinion against the ruling government was strong, and negative elections were held. However, if we look at the process and results of this by-election in more detail, we can see that it is different from the general by-election. In the past by-elections, the government judgement was due to the passive participation of the ruling party-oriented voters in elections with low political weight, or the active judgement psychology that was maximized in situations where the political burden was less. However, in this by-election, on the contrary, in an election with a high political weight, the active judgement psychology of the Democratic Party and non-partisan voters had an effect on strengthening the midterm evaluation character of the election. In addition, it can be seen that the gathering of conservative voters who support the opposition also had a strong influence on the reinforcement of the midterm evaluation character of the election.

• Proceedings of the Korea Multimedia Society Conference
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• 1998.04a
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• pp.163-168
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• 1998

네트워크의 발전과 관련해 많은 응용 분야들이 연구되고 있는데, 그 중에서도 암호학을 이용한 전자 투표의 비중이 증대되고 있다. 이러한 측면에서 살펴볼 때 선거관리위원회(선관위)는 전자 투표를 총괄하며, 동시에 투표 결과를 집계해서 공표하는 기능까지 가지고 있는 중요한 기관이다. 그러나 이러한 위치의 선관위가 부정을 저지를 경우 투표에 있어 치명적인 악영향을 미칠 것을 두 말할 나위도 없다. 따라서 본고에서는 선관위가 저지를 수 있는 부정의 요소를 파악하고, 기존의 방식을 고찰하여 보다 더 안전하고 효율적인 선관위의 부정 방지 방식을 제안한다.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.381-395
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• 2007

After the democratization process since 1988, the national scale voting behavior in congressional elections has changed from a rural-government party and urban-opposite party connection to a political regionalism oriented pattern. In this context, the case study with provincial border regions aims to investigate possible party identification change of the region, and to find a relationship between polling score ratio and socio-political characteristics of the candidates. As a result, Yeongdong shows a strong negation to the presumed Chungcheong local party and shows a continuous party identification with the Kyungsang local party. Muju reveals a more or less weakened identification with the Jeolla local party, on the contrary, Kimcheon shows a unchanged strong identification with the Kyungsang local party. The regional neighborhood effect was verified quite partly between the subdivision districts of the border regions. With a application of linear fitting method, it is certified that voters have attached great importance to the belonging party, native place, as well as political career of the candidates as a voting criterion.

• Survey Research
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• v.10 no.2
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• pp.23-43
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• 2009

The purpose of this paper is to explain characteristics of panel data and display the academic cases using panel data. Panel data have merit to control various variables to influence respondents' attitude and estimate the effects of independent variables researchers are interested in by surveying the same respondents several times. However, panel data also have problems such as contaminating the respondents and reducing the number of the respondents as survey conducted several times. In spite of a few inherent problems of panel data, informations that panel data provide are valuable and some research themes could not be possible without panel data. This paper investigates the relationship between interest in elections and voting. Electoral stimulation such as watching TV debates influences the consistent voting intended. But changing nonvoters who had voting intention but not vote are not influenced by the electoral stimulation.