• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.5-31
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• 2019

In the process of changing the Korean electoral system, various terms such as representation, majority, minority, plurality, and proportionality are not used correctly, making normative judgment on its desirable electoral system difficult. This paper clarifies the concepts and terminology related to the electoral system in order to enable proper normative discussion. First, the misuse of the names of the electoral system is reviewed. This includes the majority representative system versus the minority representative system, the single-member constituency versus the multi-member constituency, the absolute majority system versus the relative majority system, and the majority representative system versus the proportional representative system. Next, the principles of representation, proportionality, democracy, direct ballot, and equal ballot are discussed to evaluate the decisions made by the Constitutional Court of Korea. In the current electoral system of the National Assembly, the equivalence between its constituency member and its proportional representation member is very low in terms of proportionality between votes received and seats allotted. Finally, the coherence between proportional representation and other political institutions is examined. Strengthening the proportionality of parliamentary elections alone does not necessarily increase the proportionality of the entire power structure.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.295-308
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• 1996

1. Retrospect of Political Geographic Studies since Liberation, 1945 : 1) Period from 1945 to mid 1960s : There was not political geography as a science in Korea at the time of liberation from Japan 1945. At that time were not pure political geographers in Korea. In 1947, Moon-Hwa Pyo, economics professor, published a book titled Outline of Korean Geopolitics. This book was a first one in the field of political geography and available at that time in the logical descriptions. Bok-Hyon Choi was a first political geographer who in 1959 wrote a book titled Political geography for the collegians of Seoul National University. Professor Choi introduced American-style political geography through the book above mentioned. In 1963, Kie-Joo Hyong published an article titled "Korean Unification: Possibility from the Geopolitical Viewpoint" which was a first article published by Korean young scholar who studied geography in this country. 2) Period from late 1960s to late 1980s : Both Yoon Cha and Duck-Soon Im published frequently several articles of political geography or geopolitics respectively in 1968-1969. And they issued geopolitical disputes on Korean geopolitical structure and an application of rimland theory to Korean peninsula in 1969 through a magazine named Joung-Kyong Younku (the political and economic researches). The disputes played an important role of showing political geography (or geopolitics) to political sciences especially international political Science. Active researches still continued in 1970s. In that atmosphere the first Korean book of political geography written by a post-liberation scholar (Duck-Soon Im) titled Principles of Political Geography was published in 1973. This book was influenced much by American political geography after Second World War. In 1980s, the researches continued more actively. Especially administrative districts, capital cities, and sub-capital cities were frequently studied during this period. 3) Period from late 1980s to Present: Recent Studies : 1985 was a year of much production of articles of political geography. The first Ph.D thesis of political geography published in the same year in our country. And since 1985 produced many M.A. articles. Several categories of esearches of political geography was made in the period from late 1980s to present. Capital cities, Korean unification, administrative districts, urban politics, elections, sub-capital cities, and defense walls were important research categories. Reviewing the researches from 1945 to present. I found eight categories of political geography in Korea: capital cities, administrative districts, geopolitical structure of Korean peninsula, division and unification of Korea, sub-capital cities, defense walls, elections, and urban politics. Each category includes several scholars respectiveiy. 2. Study Tasks and Prospects in Korean Political Geography: In relation to Korean circumstances there are three study-tasks. The first task of Korean people is unification of two Koreas. Political geographers of Korea must al survey titled Survey Methods of Human Geography for collegians. This book was first one on survey part in Korea. The book however, is insufficient in comprehensiveness in aspects too. I think that the important tasks of general-synoptic human geography in Korea are \circled1 publication of comprehensive books of human geography in the aspects and methodologies for collegians and \circled2 acceptance of academic world of human geography in Korea of variety in methodologies of human geography for future progress. progress.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.271-321
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• 2002

Every year, many million of business transactions take place. Ocassionally, disagreements develop over these business transactions. Many of these disputes are resolved by mediation, arbitration and out-of-court settlement options. The American Arbitration Association(AAA) helps resolve a wide range of disputes through mediation, arbitration, elections and other out-of-court settlement procedures. The AAA offers a broad range of dispute resolution services to business executives, attorneys, individuals, trade associations, unions, management, consumers, families, communities, and all level of governments. The 198,491 cases composed of the 194,303 arbitration cases and the 4,188 mediation cases, were filed with the AAA in 2000. These case filings represent a full range of matters, including commercial finance, construction, labor and employment, environmental, health care, insurance, real state, securities, and technology disputes. The Korean Commercial Arbitration Board (KCAB) does more than render arbitration services. It helps facilitate settlements and guarantee implementation thereof between trading partners at home and abroad involving disputes related to such areas as the sale of commodities, construction, joint venture agreements, technical assistance, agency agreements, and maritime transport. The 643 cases composed of the the 197 arbitration cases and the 446 mediation cases, were filed with the KCAB in 2001. There are some differences between the AAA and the KCAB regarding the number and the area of mediation and arbitration case filings, the breath of service offerings, the scope of alternative dispute resolution, and the education and training. In order to apply to the proceedings of the commercial mediation and arbitration, the AAA has the Commercial Mediation Rules, the Commercial Arbitration Rules, the Expedited Procedures, the Optional Procedures for Large, Complex Commerical Dispute, and the Optional Rules for Emergency Measures of Protection as amended and effective on September 1, 2000. In order to apply to the proceedings of commercial arbitration, the KCAB has the Arbitration Rules as amended by the Supreme Court on April 27, 2000, which have been changed to incorporate the revisions of the Arbitration Act that went into effect on December 31, 1999. There are some differences between the AAA's commercial Arbitration Rules and the KCAB's Arbitration Rules regarding the clauses of jurisdiction and administrative conference, number of arbitrators, communication with arbitrator, vacancies, preliminary hearing, exchange of information, oaths, evidence by affidavit and posthearing filing of documents or others, interim measures, serving of notice, form of award, scope of award, delivery of award to parties, modification of award, release of liability, administrative fees, neutral arbitrator's compensation, and expedited procedures. In conclusion, for the vitalization of KCAB and its ADR system, the following measures should be taken : the effective case management, the development of on0-line ADR, the establishment of ADR system of electronic commerce disputes, and the variety of dispute resolution rules in each expert field.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.149-171
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• 2018

The aim of this study is to investigate the library related campaign promises of the candidates for the heads of metropolitan governments and the superintendents of education between 1st and 6th nationwide local election in Korea. To do this, the library related campaign promises of 346 candidates were analyzed by analysing the official gazettes for elections digitally archived in National Election Commission of Korea. As a result, the campaign promises of the candidates were insufficient both in quality and quantity. The candidates for the heads of metropolitan governments showed low ratio of the library related campaign promises, excessive concentration on construction or installation of libraries and higher preference for small libraries than public libraries. The candidates for the superintendents of education showed relatively balanced distribution of the election promises on library fields. But the campaign promises related public libraries were insufficient and the campaign promises of school libraries did not reflect the major elements of school libraries and the context of school libraries in Korea.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.6
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• pp.385-398
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• 2018

This study aims to explore implications by analyzing voters' behaviors and attitudes of political campaigns & political advertising audience in the 19th presidential election. For this purpose, in-depth interviews with 59 voters who voted in the last election were conducted, and interviewees were allocated by their gender and age. As a result, the motivation to ballot for a candidate was based on the candidates' political affiliations to a party, political inclinations, and election pledges. Voters also determined whom they would vote for after watching the final TV debate. The biggest issue of this election was to create jobs in the public sector, an economical issue. TV was the most trusted medium among the voters, and TV debates had the greatest influence in changing the minds of the voters. Voters thought that Shim, Sang Jung was the best on TV debates and that An, Chul Soo was the worst. Also, voters recalled An, Chul Soo the most among all election posters, but they recalled Moon, Jae In the most out of other political advertisement methods. Therefore, the results elucidated the voters' behaviors and the audience's attitudes in political advertising, and this study provided theoretical and practical implications to be utilized in future presidential election campaigns and political advertising endeavors.

• Spatial Information Research
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.43-52
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• 2014

Recently, Big Data is a buzzword in the creative economy generation. The organizations related to spatial information society focus on building the spatial big data systems. As spatial big data is a combination of spatial information and big data, the data visualization is essential in order to utilize them efficiently. One of the great methodologies for data visualization is infographics. Nationally, Chousn.com initiated the infographics news in 2010. Korean Administration Branches also recognized the importance of infographic and they adopted infographics for their briefings from 2013. Internationally, Visual.ly is leading company in the infographics market and they produced noticeable interactive infographics for Egypt Parliamentary Elections results. In the defense part, Guardian's datajournalism of Afghanistan war log was a good example of utilizing infographics. Throughout the research, five requirements are extracted. First source data should have precision and accuracy in terms of time and space manner. Second, infographics images have a compressibility. Third, the infographics is properly processed for military commanders. Fourth, sharing, openness and communication are essential for high quality infographic. Lastly, infographics should be an analytic tool for predicting future event based on the past data. Infographics is not a direct representation of data but an analytic tool for helping user's choice and decision in critical moments.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.5
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• pp.13-24
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• 2014

This study is the first model to apply the concept of media engagement to a political campaign by which the voters' mind toward the supporting political candidates, are read. Thus it provides the theoretical and practical implications to the political campaign, and eventually contributes to the development of democracy. For these objectives, the total of 729 people who have the right to vote were telephone surveyed using the peoplemeter, CATI program in the 18th Presidential Election (12 areas including Seoul) of Dec. 19th 2012, and Re and By-election of April 24th 2013. Research question is to examine how the 5 attributes of the media engagement (interest, immersion, relevance, satisfaction and participation), play a role as the moderating variables in cross-correlation, socio-economic status and media properties. The result shows that of the five properties of media engagement, the relevant factor is the important parameter of mediating variable to the causal relationship. The media usage (TV, SNS, print media), socio-economic status (gender, age, income, marriage and area), involvement and the Presidential Election, and Re and By-election are also effective in the five attributes of media engagement. These results suggest that the a study model can measure the campaign effectiveness. This study will contribute significantly to the development of politics, election, media, advertising, and public relations area as well as to promote interdisciplinary research.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.59 no.4
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• pp.137-162
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• 2007

In democracy basic rights such as political equality and participation through elections have been respected, opportunities of corporation and opposition have been guaranteed, and ability of self-learning and self-correction have been developed. These positive factors give preconditions for the welfare development in the democratic state. Because in this state adults get the suffrage and the open competition for official positions induces political parties use social policies as means to win the election. That is to say, political parties have an incentive to use various social policies to win the election. Democracy, therefore, has affinity with social policy. The affinity between democracy and social policy can be found also in Korea which was democratized in 1987. But, in Korea, the positive relationship between democracy and social policy is very weak due to the problem of constitutional structures. Korean Parliament usually enacts abstract social act and delegates the right to fill concrete contents of the social acts to the executive. Delegation itself has no problem, but excessive delegation is a problem since the executive can overuse its discretion as sacrificing the social rights of the citizen. In addition social consensus could not be achieved in this constitutional structures, which are a obstacle to establishing a political process in the Parliament to promote the welfare development through party competition. Excessive delegation should be reduced, and the Parliament should fill concrete contents of the social acts as exercising its legislative power more. Then a mechanism of welfare development can be launched in Korea.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.