• Title/Summary/Keyword: Election Strategies

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Inviting Strategies of Foreign Capital in Regional Governments Focused on Chungnam Province (지방정부의 해외투자유치전략 -충청남도를 중심으로-)

  • Kim, Byeong-Youn
    • Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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    • v.4 no.3
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    • pp.39-54
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    • 2009
  • As of July, 2009, Chungnam Province get DI (Direct Investment) of 2,502 corporations as the amount of 31 billion US dollars only for 3 years. Especially, Chungnam provincial governor make a excessive performance of 2.5 times comparing to the target number, 1,000 of inviting capital, that is public promise in the election. Now, the amount of inviting foreign capital is 1.2 billion dollars, at the end of this year it might be 1.4 billion dollars just in case of making a success on going negotiations. This outstanding performance comes from governor's leadership and aggressive strategies of well-trained subordinates. Chungnam Province has nation-wide multiple targets focused on interdisciplinary industries including strategic industries of display, auto-parts, steel, and oil-chemistry. Also, it has organic network system based on the very descriptive and accurate informations managing the task force team consisted of 35 competent members. In conclusion, the core competence of inviting foreign capital in a regional government is governor's strong leadership, activated organization consisted of specially well trained subordinates, and predominant differentiated strategies in details.

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Political Interest, Political Efficacy, and Media Usage as Factors Influencing Political Participation in Hospital Nurses (병원간호사의 정치관심도, 정치 효능감 및 매체 이용이 정치참여에 미치는 영향)

  • Jun, So Yeun;Ko, Il Sun;Bae, Ka Ryeong
    • Journal of Korean Academy of Nursing Administration
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    • v.20 no.3
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    • pp.342-352
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    • 2014
  • Purpose: The purpose of this study was to identify how political interest, efficacy and media usage influence political participation in hospital nurses. Methods: Participants were 286 nurses, who were informed of the study purpose and agreed to participate. Data were collected during November and December, 2012 using a questionnaire on political interest, political efficacy, media usage and political participation. Data were analyzed using t-test, ANOVA, Scheff$\acute{e}$'s test, Pearson Correlation Coefficients, and Multiple Stepwise Regression. Results: Scores for political participation and political interest was average. The score for political efficacy was higher than average. Political participation was significantly different by education level, job career, position, and intention to vote in the election for the 18th President. Political participation had a moderate positive correlation with political interest (r=.50, p<.001), political efficacy (r=.32, p<.001) and media usage (r=.14, p=.022). Political interest (${\beta}$=.43) was the factor most influential on political participation, explaining 25% of the variance. A total of 32% of political participation was explained by political interest, political efficacy, and TV news or SNS for media use. Conclusion: The results suggest that it is necessary to develop strategies to promote political interest and political efficacy for hospital nurses to improve political participation.

The Difference between News Coverage and News Release of Political Parties During A Political Crisis (정치적 위기에 대한 정당들의 위기대응 메시지와 뉴스보도와의 차이)

  • Cho, SeungHo
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.18 no.11
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    • pp.47-54
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    • 2018
  • The purpose of this study is to explore a difference in crisis between media and parties. This research examined political crisis situation, crisis response, and media coverage using a case. Two main political parties in Korean faced the illegal fund raising case during the 16th presidential election. They used types of crisis response strategies for restoring or maintaining their reputation. This study found that a party's crisis response was consistent with news media, but another party's message was significantly different from news media. Such match or mismatch between a party and news media will influence on public evaluation toward a crisis response. This study has meaningful contribution in that the difference between an organizational crisis response message and news media coverage is significant.

Brand Identity and Architecture of the 4 Comprehensive Programming Channels (종합편성채널의 브랜드 정체성와 브랜드 체계)

  • Yoon, Hong Keun
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.14 no.2
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    • pp.161-171
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    • 2014
  • This research aims to analyze the characteristics of the channel brand components, identities in accordance with the organizational strategies of the programmes, and brand structures of the comprehensive programming channels. The channels promote themselves mobilizing a variety of channel brand components and, ecxept Channel A, JTBC, TV Chosun, and MBN coined its names which are reminiscent of their parents corporations. The organizational strategies of the programmes are related with the channel identities. TV Chosun, for instance, branded themselves as 'conservative advocate' while focusing on news programs, and Channel A also takes conservative bias strategy focusing on the news programmes, especially after the 2012 presidential election. JTBC, however, organizes drama and entertainment programmes intensively being equivalent to that of terrestrial broadcasting programmes, and MBN positioned neutral and center with the news and cultural programmes. Referring to the brand architecture, which reveals the structural system of the brand, it is argued that TV Chosun and MBN take the integrated corporate brand strategy, while JTBC tries to mix and balance the brands of the parent corporation and its own independent one. Channel A, exceptionally, doesn't take a name of its parent corporation 'Dong-A'. In conclusion, it is argued that the comprehensive programming channels utilize and take the parent corporate brand, mixed brand, and independent brand in accordance with the brand power and circumstances of their own parent corporates.

Format Study of 2002 Televised Presidential Debates Sponsored by Presidential Debate Committee (대통령후보 TV합동토론 형식(Format) 비교 연구: 대통령선거방송토론위원회 주최 합동토론회를 중심으로)

  • Song, Jong-Gil
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.22
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    • pp.107-130
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    • 2003
  • This study evaluated the debate formats adopted in the 2002 Televised Presidential Debates. Presidential Debate Committee have sponsored Televised Presidential Debates during the official campaign period. However, it is not easy task for the Committee to coordinate each party's different interests, such as voters, candidates, and broadcasters. Presidential candidates tries to use the debates as one of their campaign strategies. Broadcasters argued limitations in programming and production process. Regardless of the obstacles, voters expect that the committee makes ideal debate formats. The committee adopted two new forms in the 2002 Debates. The committee allowed direct exchange between candidates as well as advance question preparation by candidate. The committee intends that candidates focus on discussing policy issues. Some studies found that the debate format to allow direct exchange between candidates makes candidates focus on image issues rather than policy issues. The findings of this study are similar to the previous studies'. The new debate formats adopted in 2002 televised presidential debates did not guarantee policy issue oriented discussion. The committee or scholars should evaluate the debate formats used in the presidential debates in order to establish ideal debate formats that gives important information for votes to determine their choice. It is necessary to systematically evaluate the debate formats of former presidential campaign for developing right debate formats.

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Myanmar's Macroeconomic changes and its Implications for the Invest of Korean Enterprises (미얀마 통상환경의 변화와 한국기업의 투자 및 진출에 관한 시사점)

  • Jung, Sung-Hoon;Kwon, O-Yoon
    • International Commerce and Information Review
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    • v.13 no.4
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    • pp.177-201
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    • 2011
  • Myanmar had fallen behind other southeast asian nations since Burmese way to Socialism settled down. However, historically second election in Myanmar hold in 2011 and dramatic changes in areas such as Special Economic Zone announcement, the very huge inflows of foreign direct investment in a year of 2009, the infrastructure building projects, a permit of the right to strike for Labour Organization in Myanmar etc. Particularly, Foreign investments and trade with neighbouring countries are actively growing and also with Korea. But investments of Korea in Myanmar relatively are not diversity, with limited sectors such as mining and sewing manufacturing. In this point of view, this paper is trying to make implications for strategies of entry and investments of Korea in Myanmar by using previous papers related to Myanmar economies, trade and foreign investments with updated statistical data. The implications for Korea is that recently Myanmar economy is in its early stages of development. Although it can occur huge demand of railway, road, communications and constructions related to social infrastructures essentially needed for development of a country, these sectors relatively need huge investments. On the other hands, textile and sewing industry relatively need smaller investments in which investors can utilize low labour cost and a position for export to third countries. But those firms which set up for those purpose in Myanmar might have trouble creating domestic markets in future. Moreover, due to demand which occur in the early stage of growth in Myanmar, trade volume tend to increase and trading is also possible to invest but Myanmar still have lots of problems with infrastructure such as road and logistics and we need to make pre-survey for the costs and benefits of our products Finally, Myanmar government is trying to promote and encourage some of industries such as export-oriented industry, import substitution industry and labour-intensive industry. It can also means they will accumulate capital which can be sources for Myanmar economic growth.

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