• East Asian Journal of Business Economics (EAJBE)
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.29-34
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• 2024

Purpose: The primary objective of this study was to examine the influence of economic democratization on economic development from diverse perspectives. Research design, Data methodology: Justification of the qualitative literature methods used in this study is essential, as extensive descriptions, justifications, and explanations of the methods used allow researchers to increase the reliability of their studies for specific or specified audiences. Initially, the concept and principal attributes of economic democratization were scrutinized, followed by an exploration of its manifold effects on economic development. Results: Consequently, this study facilitated a comprehensive comprehension of how economic democratization fosters economic growth and advancement in contemporary society. Additionally, the study deliberated on the constraints and hurdles of economic democratization, proposing policy recommendations for future mitigation. Conclusion: In conclusion, this study is anticipated to furnish foundational data for regional economic development to both academia and policymakers. It achieves this by thoroughly evaluating the impact of economic democratization on economic development and delving into the dynamic interaction between democracy and economic progress.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.10 no.5
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• pp.207-213
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• 2012

ICT industry in Korea was constituted an industry in early 1980's and has been growing more and more since then. In the process of this growth, most of the large ICT companies in Chaebeols has been absorbing in undemocratic economic behaviors. As a result, the sales and the profit of Cheabeols and large companies has been increasing by geometrical progression, but most of small and medium cooperative companies of these big corporations have been eking a scanty existence. And many of them had gone belly up. This article will propose the digital economic democratization as an alternative to overcome the present undemocratic economic situation in the digital economic field and to develop the healthy ICT industry, and to preliminarily study the concept, elements and meaning of the digital economic democratization.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.8
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• pp.29-34
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• 2014

This study aimed to clarify the relationship which exists between democracy and economic development within Sub-Saharan Africa. It strived to bring out a comprehensive analysis of the reasons why the pace of democratization is slow within this region and why until present date, there are just patches of real democracies there. The work also focuses on the reasons why despite democratic movements, economic growth rates have remained lagging behind average until of recent that, and some few countries have emerged to join the list of fastest growing economies in the world. The study further highlights the unique path of Sub-Saharan Africa democratization process should follow since it does not possess the various factors that favored the democratization processes of most developed countries. In order to obtain the objectives, previous studies and statistical data published by official institutes were analysed by using contents analysis methods. Lastly, it proceeds to explain the important role that democracy plays in inclusive economic growth.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.72-76
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• 2022

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.145-159
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• 2017

Despite the longing for democracy of most people, Myanmar has missed opportunities for social and economic development by military dictatorship. However, since 2010, the civilian government has gained new opportunities for reform. After turning to economic reform, developed countries such as the US and EU lifted the economic sanctions that they had taken in the past. As a result, it is growing rapidly compared to neighboring countries due to attracting foreign capital, tariff benefits on export items, and expansion of industrial infrastructure. Despite the increased investment value due to economic growth and democratization, the complex and customary land system of Myanmar must be an uneasy factor in securing stable land rights when entering overseas markets. Therefore, this study sought the method of securing the land rights in the development project through the analysis of the foreign investment system in Myanmar and the investigation of joint development cases. The results of this study are as follows. First, the acquisition of land use rights at the early stage of development can be considered through the foreign investment system. Under the Foreign Investment Law and Myanmar Investment Law, the land can be used for up to 70 years, and Under the Special Economic Zone Law, the land can be used for up to 75 years. Second, in relation to land compensation, it is required to establish a detailed resettlement plan for the indigenous people as the difficulty of land acquisition is expected due to the recent democratization trend and strengthening the voice of residents. Third, land use at the operational stage can be achieved by leasing the land from developers, and this will be the most realistic plan at present. In other words, the developer can directly develop the land created under the Foreign Investment Law and the Special Economic Zone Law, or Sub-lease and transfer the land use right to a third party.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.11 no.5
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• pp.95-104
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• 2013

The goal of this study is to confirm the extent of realization of economic democracy between the subsidiary ICT companies of conglomerates and the KOSDAQ listed ICT companies with focus on growth and profitability. As the results of analysis, the following were verified. First, there were differences in all aspects of the subsidiary ICT companies of conglomerates and the KOSDAQ listed small and medium ICT companies, including growth and profitability. Second, the pattern of economic democracy between two groups displayed relatively unrealized economic democracy structure. Third, It was found that KOSDAQ listed small and medium ICT companies were relatively much more difficult situations than the subsidiary ICT companies of conglomerates.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.65-84
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• 2014

Asia-Pacific Confucian Capitalism is comparable to Atlantic Protestant Capitalism in terms of economic success, as most economies influenced by Confucian culture in East Asia and Southeast Asia are economically well-off in the past 50 years, save for Vietnam. This paper seeks to determine whether Vietnam can follow the path of development of the other Confucian economies, especially in the context of globalization and upcoming regional integration. In the paper, I will use an analytic framework derived from Weber and Huntington to examine the cultural dimension of Vietnam's economic development. In the domestic field, I argue that the core values of Confucianism continue to contribute to the development in Vietnam in many ways; yet one critical element needs to be tapped: the political culture of strong leadership and efficient bureaucracy. Confucian values for development may be compromised by pushing for democratization too early in Vietnam. On a positive note, Confucianism for Vietnam is instrumental in its regional integration into Southeast Asia since it is integrative rather than exclusive. Vietnam's cultural similarity with China may however lead to too much passive learning and conflicts. In conclusion, Confucianism is a valuable asset for Vietnam's economic development, but challenges have to be addressed in order for Vietnam to become the next tiger.