• 동아시아경상학회지
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.29-34
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• 2024

Purpose: The primary objective of this study was to examine the influence of economic democratization on economic development from diverse perspectives. Research design, Data methodology: Justification of the qualitative literature methods used in this study is essential, as extensive descriptions, justifications, and explanations of the methods used allow researchers to increase the reliability of their studies for specific or specified audiences. Initially, the concept and principal attributes of economic democratization were scrutinized, followed by an exploration of its manifold effects on economic development. Results: Consequently, this study facilitated a comprehensive comprehension of how economic democratization fosters economic growth and advancement in contemporary society. Additionally, the study deliberated on the constraints and hurdles of economic democratization, proposing policy recommendations for future mitigation. Conclusion: In conclusion, this study is anticipated to furnish foundational data for regional economic development to both academia and policymakers. It achieves this by thoroughly evaluating the impact of economic democratization on economic development and delving into the dynamic interaction between democracy and economic progress.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제10권5호
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• pp.207-213
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• 2012

80년대초 이후 크고 작은 IT기업들로 구성된 정보통신산업이 형성된 이래 성장을 거듭해 왔다. 그런 가운데 재벌의 IT 대기업들은 상당수는 비민주적인 경제행위를 일삼아 왔다. 이들은 여타 다른 산업의 재벌기업과 마찬가지로 관계 기업들로부터의 일감몰아주기 수혜 덕분에 확보된 자금력과 시장 지배력을 이용해 수많은 불공정 행위를 자행하고 시장생태계를 파괴해 온 것이다. 그 결과 재벌과 대기업군의 매출과 수익은 기하급수적으로 신장해갔지만, 대부분의 협력업체는 근근이 연명할 정도로 버티다가 도산하는 경우가 수도 없이 많았다. 본 연구는 이러한 디지털경제 분야에서의 비민주적 현상 극복을 통한 건강한 정보통신산업 발전을 도모하기 위한 대안으로 디지털경제 민주화를 제안하며, 디지털경제 민주화의 개념과 구성요소 및 의미를 탐색적으로 살펴보고자 한다.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제12권8호
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• pp.29-34
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• 2014

이 연구는 아프리카 사하라 이남의 민주정치와 현재 경제발전의 관계를 규명하는 것으로 목적으로 하였다. 특히 사하라 이남 지역에서 민주화 속도가 늦은 이유와 현재까지 민주정치에 따른 문제의 원인을 종합적으로 분석하였다. 그리고 민주정치 운동에도 불구하고 경제성장율이 평균 이하인 이유와 일부 국가들이 빠른 경제성장 궤도에 오른 이유도 초점을 두었다. 더 나아가서 다른 선진국들의 민주화과정에 적합한 요인들을 가지지 못하였기 때문에 이 지역의 민주정치가 독자적인 노선을 추구해야 하는 이유에도 초점을 두었다. 이러한 분석을 위하여 기존의 논문 및 보고서를 중심으로 내용분석하였다. 끝으로 경제성장에서 민주주의 역할을 제언하였다.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제21권1호
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• pp.72-76
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• 2022

• 토지주택연구
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.145-159
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• 2017

Despite the longing for democracy of most people, Myanmar has missed opportunities for social and economic development by military dictatorship. However, since 2010, the civilian government has gained new opportunities for reform. After turning to economic reform, developed countries such as the US and EU lifted the economic sanctions that they had taken in the past. As a result, it is growing rapidly compared to neighboring countries due to attracting foreign capital, tariff benefits on export items, and expansion of industrial infrastructure. Despite the increased investment value due to economic growth and democratization, the complex and customary land system of Myanmar must be an uneasy factor in securing stable land rights when entering overseas markets. Therefore, this study sought the method of securing the land rights in the development project through the analysis of the foreign investment system in Myanmar and the investigation of joint development cases. The results of this study are as follows. First, the acquisition of land use rights at the early stage of development can be considered through the foreign investment system. Under the Foreign Investment Law and Myanmar Investment Law, the land can be used for up to 70 years, and Under the Special Economic Zone Law, the land can be used for up to 75 years. Second, in relation to land compensation, it is required to establish a detailed resettlement plan for the indigenous people as the difficulty of land acquisition is expected due to the recent democratization trend and strengthening the voice of residents. Third, land use at the operational stage can be achieved by leasing the land from developers, and this will be the most realistic plan at present. In other words, the developer can directly develop the land created under the Foreign Investment Law and the Special Economic Zone Law, or Sub-lease and transfer the land use right to a third party.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• 디지털융복합연구
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• 제11권5호
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• pp.95-104
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• 2013

이 연구의 목적은 재벌 계열사 ICT 기업군과 코스닥 상장 ICT 기업군 간의 성장성과 수익성을 중심으로 경제민주화 실현정도를 확인해 보는 것이다. 분석 결과 첫째, 재벌 계열사 ICT 기업군과 코스닥 상장 중소 ICT기업군의 두 집단은 평균 매출액, 자산, 영업이익 및 당기순이익 등 모두에서 차이가 있는 것으로 검증되었다. 둘째, 재벌 계열사 ICT 기업군과 코스닥 상장 중소 ICT기업군 간 경제민주화 유형은 매출액, 자산 및 영업이익에서는 상대적인 경제민주화 미실현 구조를 보여주었고, 당기순이익은 완전한 경제민주화 미실현구조를 보여주었다. 셋째, 외형상 재벌 계열사 ICT 기업군보다 코스닥 상장 중소 ICT 기업군이 더 호황을 누리는 것처럼 보이고 있으나 재벌 계열사 ICT 기업군보다 코스닥 상장 중소 ICT 기업군이 상대적으로 매우 어려운 상황임을 보여주었다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• 수완나부미
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.65-84
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• 2014

Asia-Pacific Confucian Capitalism is comparable to Atlantic Protestant Capitalism in terms of economic success, as most economies influenced by Confucian culture in East Asia and Southeast Asia are economically well-off in the past 50 years, save for Vietnam. This paper seeks to determine whether Vietnam can follow the path of development of the other Confucian economies, especially in the context of globalization and upcoming regional integration. In the paper, I will use an analytic framework derived from Weber and Huntington to examine the cultural dimension of Vietnam's economic development. In the domestic field, I argue that the core values of Confucianism continue to contribute to the development in Vietnam in many ways; yet one critical element needs to be tapped: the political culture of strong leadership and efficient bureaucracy. Confucian values for development may be compromised by pushing for democratization too early in Vietnam. On a positive note, Confucianism for Vietnam is instrumental in its regional integration into Southeast Asia since it is integrative rather than exclusive. Vietnam's cultural similarity with China may however lead to too much passive learning and conflicts. In conclusion, Confucianism is a valuable asset for Vietnam's economic development, but challenges have to be addressed in order for Vietnam to become the next tiger.