• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.83-91
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• 2018

Objectives: One of the main objectives of the Targeted Subsidies Law (TSL) in Iran was to improve equity in healthcare financing. This study aimed at measuring the effects of the TSL, which was implemented in Iran in 2010, on equity in healthcare financing. Methods: Segmented regression analysis was applied to assess the effects of TSL implementation on the Gini and Kakwani indices of outcome variables in Iranian households. Data for the years 1977-2014 were retrieved from formal databases. Changes in the levels and trends of the outcome variables before and after TSL implementation were assessed using Stata version 13. Results: In the 33 years before the implementation of the TSL, the Gini index decreased from 0.401 to 0.381. The Gini index and its intercept significantly decreased to 0.362 (p<0.001) 5 years after the implementation of the TSL. There was no statistically significant change in the gross domestic product or inflation rate after TSL implementation. The Kakwani index significantly increased from -0.020 to 0.007 (p<0.001) before the implementation of the TSL, while we observed no statistically significant change (p=0.81) in the Kakwani index after TSL implementation. Conclusions: The TSL reform, which was introduced as part of an economic development plan in Iran in 2010, led to a significant reduction in households' income inequality. However, the TSL did not significantly affect equity in healthcare financing. Hence, while measuring the long-term impact of TSL is paramount, healthcare decision-makers need to consider the efficacy of the TSL in order to develop plans for achieving the desired equity in healthcare financing.

• The Journal of Industrial Distribution & Business
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.73-82
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• 2018

Purpose - Before the economic reforms, the Chinese communication industry was poorly developed. After China's entering to WTO, the Chinese market were gradually opened, domestic companies will be faced with more and more pressures of competition from the world rival countries. As time goes on, the overseas telecommunications companies will occupy the Chinese market with the opening of China Telecommunications market to outside. So this paper focuses on problems and development methods based on the research about the present situation and development methods of communication industry(communication manufacturing industry and communication manufacturing industry) in China. Research design, data, and methodology - This study analyzed the policies of China's entering to WTO. This paper observed previous researches and made an empirical research on Chinese communication industry based on the governmental policies, strategies, books and previous papers with several kinds of clear data announced formally by China authorities. Results - Most recently, reorganization of the communication industry has brought good opportunities for the development of the communication manufacturing enterprises. This paper analyze policy changes of Chinese communication industry, the status of communication manufacturing industry and communication service industry. Finally, this study for further research analyzes the existing problems and puts forward some practicable measures to solve them. Conclusions - Looking ahead, with China's rapid economic development and steady deepening of reform and opening-up, the Chinese communication industry is faced with an even broader prospect of development. Chinese communication industry will be become the pillar one in national economy after 10 years development. Foreign communication companies accelerated investment and progresses to Chinese information and communication markets. Positive ones are more foreign investment, export increase, domestic innovation, communication industry made steep growth. But negative ones are obstacles of domestic companies' development and jobless rate increase etc. Second communication manufacturing industry made good development, but computer and TV related industry made decline in growth. Third, market sizes of internet and mobile services are growing but the size of wired communication services is downsizing gradually. To overcome them, the studies of components or parts of communication manufacturing industry are needed individually. Second China Unicom, China Telecom, China Mobile etc. are Chinese representatives. The sales volumes are very similar at the beginning, but now they are different and make big differences. So the analysis about, their differences and its impact, are needed.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.827-858
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• 2011

In Korea, various environmentally harmful subsidies are granted in agriculture, fishery, energy, electricity, transportation, steel and shipbuilding industry. Examples include tax-exempt fuel for agriculture & fishery, VAT- exemption for briquette & anthracite, temporary subsidy for fuel, production stabilizing subsidy for coal mining, subsidy for briquette. Korea's yearly total subsidy in energy area is about 5,291 billion won, among them is 4,870 billion won. To reduce air pollutants and to mitigate climate change, Korea has to review the phase-out of environmentally harmful subsidies and the phase-in of environment-friendly subsidy. The reduction or removal of environmentally harmful subsidies will enhance economic efficiency and bring about environmental benefits. Economic efficiency means less use of inputs, which reduces environmental cost and improves social benefits. This paper applies the Shoven and Whalley's model to the Korean economy and analyzes the general equilibrium incidence effects of reforming environmentally harmful subsidies in the energy and electricity in Korea. We consider several counterfactual scenarios in which current environmentally harmful subsidies are reduced or abolished, compare them with the reference case in the economy, and evaluated the change in efficiency costs and distributional incidence of tax reforms related to subsidies.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.191-217
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• 2018

At the turn of the century, social policy in both developed and developing countries confronts new challenges and risks caused by the multiple crises in finance, food, energy and climate change. Changes in the structures of risks are particularly significant. In addition, the global economic crisis starting in 2008 has provided a new context of the global political economy. Both developed and developing countries have responded to these new challenges and risks differently. What risks do these responses aim to address? How can these responses address these risks? Can these diverse responses offer lessons for lower income economies attempting to address social development challenges alongside economic growth in the globalised and increasingly uncertain 21st century context? This paper aims to provide a critical review of the new trends, phenomena or directions of social policy discourse and practice to respond to the new risks in the context of development. Explaining the nature and forms of new challenges and risks and pointing out the potentials and limitations of social policy discourse, it introduces the key points of the previous research we have to keep in mind in formulating alternative social policy approaches. General principles and core elements of social policy in addressing new challenges and risks in the $21^{st}$ century, which are particularly visible in social policy reforms in emerging economies, are highlighted as a conclusion.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• Economic Analysis
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.70-119
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• 2021

This paper analyzes the changes in financial reform during the Kim Jong-un era based on North Korean literature. We find that North Korea has systematically and functionally separated the central bank from commercial banks since the Kim Jong-un era began. In addition, enterprises have been allowed to withdraw cash from bank accounts and make inter-enterprise cash payments. In other words, nowadays non-cash currencies with passive money can partially serve as active money with purchasing power. With the systematic and functional separation of the central bank and the commercial bank, the issuance of the central bank changed to a money supply method through the commercial bank, and changes in the currency distribution structure have allowed commercial bank's credit creation function to be implemented. This means that the banking system and the monetary·payment system of the socialist planned economy are changing in the way of the market economy. Reforms in the financial sector are believed to have been necessary to support changes in the economic system and to restore the function of the public financial sector. These changes have progressed in terms of the level of reform, but they are still considered similar to the period of the former Soviet Union's Perestroika or to the early period of China's reform and opening. Although North Korea's financial reform is superior in terms of enacting the banking law, it is insufficient in terms of realizing the functions of commercial banks. In addition, it is assessed that institutional constraints such as maintaining a planned economy, and the lack of confidence in public finances limit the effectiveness and development of the financial system. It should be noted that these results are based on literature published in North Korea. In other words, there is a limit in the fact that such recent changes have been carried out on a trial basis in some areas, or have been carried out in a full-scale manner with a blueprint, since Kim Jong-un's inauguration.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.129-148
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• 2017

The political system of Xi Jinping which was launched in 2013, faced many difficulties both domestically and internationally. Xi Jinping must integrate and stabilize society through political reforms, such as sustained economic growth and Resolved corruption. In addition, he should seek new relations with the United States on the denuclearization of the Korean peninsula. Therefore, this study analyzed political leadership of Chinese political leaders including Xi Jinping using Max Weber 's political domination type. From the first generation political leaders to the fourth generation political leaders in China, the types of political domination of the first and second generation political leaders tend to be charismatic rather than legitimate domination. But the third generation political leaders tend to have a tendency of traditional domination rather than legitimate domination, and the fourth generation political leaders have a tendency to dominate more than traditional domination. On the other hand, the type of political domination of Xi Jinping shows traditional domination and legitimate domination tendency in the process of political growth and emergence, but shows tendency of charismatic domination after domination of political power.

• Journal of Korean Society of Transportation
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.169-182
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• 2017

This research reviews regulations on logistics/transport industry and attempts to quantify the effects of regulation mitigation on GDP per capita. South Korea's transport industry has been gradually expanding, however, the industrial structure is still short rooted. In 2014, average number of hours worked is 5th highest and wage margin 12th smallest out of 18 industries. Furthermore, the regulations for this industry appear to be stricter than those of other industries. OECD's logistics/transport industry regulatory index for South Korea has been decreasing for the last 40 years but still exceeds those of EU, Japan, US, and other countries. This paper provides supporting reasons for regulatory reforms by analyzing the ripple effects on real GDP. Factors such as the ratio of trade among GDP, the enrollment rate to primary school, energy usage per capita, and population are controlled in the fixed-effect model. Estimation results showed that 1 unit decrease in transport/logistics regulatory index is correlated with 8.1% increase of the real GDP per capita, that is, 10% of deregulation is expected to yield 2.16% increase in GDP per capita. Thus, it is expected that mitigating regulations on market entries, price determination, ownership structures of network industry, vertical integrations can improve the economy of South Korea.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.26 no.4
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• pp.55-80
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• 2016

Kerala, a southern-west state of India, has been vigorously studied due to its unique development status. Indeed, Kerala shows such a high level of social development as Human Development Index indicates, yet it is suffering from the low level of economic. As a result, scholars have examined a broad range of rationales to understand the 'Kerala Development Model' as discussing historical contexts, social welfare policies, land reforms by Communist Party of India, and so on. Among them, scholars agree that education is one of the most critical factors that led to social development of Kerala. Despite the consensus, there has been lack of research that deeply look into how education has been delivered, what impacts it has on people, and why it contributes to social development in Kerala. This research, thus, would discuss the meanings, values and impacts of education with the capability approach that is originally termed by Amartya Sen. The approach criticize the dominant paradigm of 'development' that is materialistic oriented, instead it emphasizes expanding a range of capabilities of people to reach 'development' that people can act upon what they value and cherish. Based on Sen's perspective, we believe that dimensions of education can be re-defined and expanded in a relation to development.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Aeronautical & Space Sciences
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• v.46 no.12
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• pp.1056-1069
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• 2018

In order to promote the commercial space activities of the private sector, the Trump Administration announced the commercial space regulatory reforms by issuing the Space Policy Directive-2 (SPD-2) on May 24, 2018, followed by the SPD-3 dealing with a separate issue of the space traffic management on June 18. Both executive orders, based on the recommendations prepared by the National Space Council (NSC) reconstituted in June 2017 and signed by the President, involve regulatory reform policy related to launch services, commercial remote sensing, establishment of one-stop shop office in Commerce Department, radio frequency spectrum, export control, and space traffic management, providing a strong guidance to the Federal Government. The commercial space regulatory reform policy can be seen in broader terms of the National Security Strategy earlier announced on Dec. 18, 2017, and as such, it pursues the economic growth of the U.S. and the national security as well. The U.S. law and policy prioritizing its national interests by promoting commercial space activities may lead to concerns and debate on the potential breach of the provisions of the Outer Space Treaty. Hence, it is worth noting the legal implications as derived from the U.S. space policy and domestic legislation, thereby accelerating international discussion to build on international norms as appropriate to the pr ogress of space technology and space commercialization.