• 동남아시아연구
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• 유통과학연구
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• 제18권3호
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• pp.37-41
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• 2020

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine the recent resurgence of popularism and the possible impacts it may have on contemporary business and economics. Research design, data and methodology: This is an exploratory case study that examines the rise of popularism and identifies and analyzes the likely implications for contemporary business and economics. Results: Although populists tend to reject elitism, capitalism, economic globalization, and political establishment, their ethnocentric behavior is no different from those of the corrupt political and economic elites. Popularism does enable nationalism and protectionism and negatively impacts business and economic growth. Conclusions: Popularism existed for a long time, and this phenomenon will continue to exist as long as a triggered mechanism exist, e.g., income inequality, resurgence of immigration, recession, insufficient factors of resources and social welfare. The recent rise of popularism is not a fad or a short-lived anti-establishment and anti-elitism movements but, rather, a force to be reckoned with in the near future. The rise of economic nationalism limits international trade, integration, and cooperation. As a result, international capital, service, and product flows will decline, and countries and multinational corporations have to develop and restructure their international supply and value chain to cope with this phenomenon.

• 한국조경학회지
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• 제31권4호
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• pp.13-24
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• 2003

The modern landscape architectural profession and education of Korea was established in the early 1970s. The former president Park Chung-Hee was a main axis in this process of establishment. This paper critically examines Park Chung-Hee's thoughts on landscape architecture. It can show us the functional relationship between his thoughts and the beginning of the history of modem landscape architecture in Korea. The close relationship between Park Chung-Hee and Korean landscape architecture can be interpreted as double sides. First, landscape architecture was a matter of great interest for Park Chung-Hee. His involvement of landscape architecture went well beyond that of an amateur. Second, landscape architecture was a strategic instrument for practicing his political policy of economic development and nationalism. There are three remarkable tendencies in his thoughts on landscape architecture. First, he regarded that the main role of landscape architecture was to cover and to decorate damaged sites. Second, he had a contradictory notion of tradition and history. Last, the European pastoral ideal was his criterion for the beauty of landscape. His thoughts on landscape architecture were an amalgamation of these three contradictory ideas, and it has left some controversial inheritances for contemporary landscape architecture.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제21권2호
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• pp.217-261
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• 2011

This study is an attempt to construct a basic framework of analysis about China's political and economic influence on Southeast Asia through traditional Sinocentrism, anti-colonial nationalism, Cold War socialism and post-Cold War capitalism. As to the historical status of Southeast Asia vis-a-vis external forces such as India, China and the West, the colonial discourse tends to put excessive emphasis upon its dependence, and the posy-colonial discourse upon its autonomy. However, this study elucidates the political and economic interactions between China and Southeast Asia in a dynamic perspective, focusing on their reciprocal interactions beyond the essentially static dichotomy of autonomy and dependence. Chinese influence on Southeast asia can be divided into active and reactive one, with the former referring to direct and intended consequences and the latter to indirect and unintended consequences. In the historical process of active and reactive influence, both China and Southeast Asia were fundamentally proactive actors. Thus, the autonomy or dependence of Southeast Asia is just a question of relative one, with its actual extent and degree varying with specific spatial and temporal conditions.

• 동의생리병리학회지
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• 제24권3호
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• pp.380-384
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• 2010

The present paper attempts to investigate the factors which may affect the attitude toward Oriental Medicine among the university students in Korea and China. The research on determining factors that may influence the attitude toward the Oriental Medicine can provide the answers for the question how the traditional things can acquire their present position and make a development in modern society. The East Asian countries such as Korea and China have promoted the western-style changes and development, thinking that modernization means the westernization. Given this, the research on the attitude toward Oriental Medicine can be a good case study that shows how tradition sustains its place and develops. The present study makes two hypotheses in order to analyze the factors which make the influence on the attitude toward the Oriental Medicine: Hypothesis there will be no significant difference between the socio-demographic variables and attitude toward Oriental Medicine. Hypothesis there will be significant differences between traditionalism, modernity, nationalism, and attitude toward Oriental Medicine. The statistical results show that hypothesis 1 was confirmed in the case of the gender of the participants, whereas it was not confirmed in the case of the birthplace, economic status, and nationality. And hypothesis 2 was not confirmed in the relations between nationalism and modernity and the attitude toward Oriental Medicine, whereas it was confirmed in the relations between traditionalism and the traditional medical concept and attitude toward Oriental Medicine.

• 시큐리티연구
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• 제45호
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• pp.107-127
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• 2015

중국의 제국질서 구축에 대한 욕망은 오늘날 평화적 국제질서에 대한 주요한 위협요소이다. 중국의 오만하고 망상적인 목표가 지리적으로 근접한 우리국가에 어떠한 영향을 미칠지는 우리국가의 안보와 국가이익에 매우 중요한 문제일 것이다. 오늘날 위구르 민족문제와 위구르 테러리즘의 문제 그리고 이에 맞서고 있는 폭압적인 중국의 국가테러리즘 간의 흥미로운 다이나믹은 그러한 문제에 대한 하나의 의미 있는 예측판단이 될 것이다. 이런 취지에서 이 논문은 위구르 민족독립 문제와 테러리즘, 그리고 중국의 국가테러리즘 간의 상호관계를 그려낼 것이다. 오늘날 테러리즘은 민족의 독립문제와 정치적 경제적 차별, 비국가 행위자로서의 테러세력과 이들이 주도하는 테러리즘, 그리고 이와 연동되어 움직이는 주요 국가들의 국제질서에서의 패권경쟁이 복잡하게 얽혀있는 다차원적 안보문제이다. 위구르 민족과 테러리즘을 둘러싼 복잡한 다이나믹은 이러한 다차원적 안보문제로서의 테러리즘의 속성을 잘 보여준다.

• 문화기술의 융합
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• 제5권3호
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• pp.185-190
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• 2019

역사적으로 식민지 시기의 재현은 당대의 정책이나 정치적 상황에 긴밀하게 반응해 왔다. '만주웨스턴'의 계보를 잇는 한국형 블록버스터 <암살>은 일본군과 광복군, 선과 악, 정체성의 혼란 등 이 장르의 서사적 전형성을 화려한 액션과 스펙터클로 업그레이드 시키면서, 안전한 민족주의 프레임을 채택한다. 반면, 저항시인과 민족투사의 우정을 다룬 <동주>는 예의 익숙한 민족주의와 영웅주의에 기대지 않으면서, 시의 힘이 암시하는 정신성과 내면의 투쟁을 다룬다. <암살>이 철저한 장르의 법칙 내에서 법의 테두리를 벗어나는 무법의 상상적 저항이 주는 시각적, 감각적 쾌락을 제공한다면, <동주>는 어쩔 수 없이 식민제국의 법 제도 내에서 저항을 모색하다 법의 폭력에 쓰러져간 안타까운 청춘을 그리고 있다. 최근까지 지속되고 있는 일본과 한국의 정치적, 외교적, 경제적 갈등 등은 우선적으로 스크린 위에 민족주의라는 틀을 재소환 한다.

• 한국지역지리학회지
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.199-215
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• 2002

국제분쟁지역의 유형 및 형성요인에 대하여 정치지리학적 분석과 문화역사지리학적 원인 고찰을 중심으로 국제적 영향력과 한국에 미치는 영향이 큰 아시아와 중동지역의 분쟁지역을사례 분석하였다. 국제분쟁지역의 유형은 내분형, 혼합형, 국제형으로 구분될 수 있다. 국제분쟁의 형성요인은 탈냉전기 들어서는 1990년대에 이념의 영향이 축소되고 문명충돌이 빈발하고 있다. 세계분쟁은 3재 이상의 분쟁원인이 복합적으로 작용하고 있으나, 국제분쟁의 주요요인은 민족문제, 종교분쟁, 식민지배의 유산 및 개입, 영토분쟁 및 패권추구 등을 중심으로 형성요인을 단순화할 수 있다. 탈냉전기의 분쟁발생을 발생시기별로 식민지배 시기 냉전 전기 냉전 후기 탈냉전기로 구분하였다. 2차대전 전에 열강의 식민지였던 북아프리카와 아시아지역은 식민해방기 및 냉전기에 대립 발생이 접종되는데 비하여, 유럽과 독립 국가연합지역에서는 탈냉전기에 분쟁발생이 집중되고 있다. 본격적 무력충돌시 국제적으로 영향이 높은 지역은 전략적 요충지이거나, 자원생산국이며 중동 아시아 흑아프리카에 많이 분포한다. 지역분쟁의 실례(實例)로는 동티모르 분쟁, 스리랑카 내분, 카슈미르분쟁 등과 자원의 발견 및 영토 패권추구 분쟁의 예로서 남사군도(南沙群島) 서사군도(西沙群島) 센가쿠/조어도(釣魚島) 분쟁을 사례 연구하였다. 아시아지역분쟁은 식민지배의 분할통치 유산과 밀접하게 연결되어 있다. 국제분쟁지역 분석을 통하여 분쟁지역에 대한 이해의 폭을 넓히고, 국방외교정책 수립에 일조를 할 수 있는 방향을 모색하였다.

• 한국항만경제학회지
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• 제19권1호
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• pp.139-159
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• 2003

This study deals sith some problems of foreign direct investment and seeks for the ways of activating foreign direct investment (hereafter F.D.I.) by analyzing the Korean economic structure that is faced with the neo-protectivism and nationalism of the advanced or foreign countries currently. During a transformational process in the transitional period of world trade environment, it is necessary for Korea not only to learn the higher technology for advanced countries, but also to apply techonology to their economic structure in order to enter into competition with the advanced countries. Based on the experiences and accomplishments from their investments, Korean enterprises should turn their business into F.D.I. and act appropriately in order to keep the balance between indoor and outdoor investment. Looking through the ways to activate F.D.I., we may make conclusions as follows: 1. Government policy transparency 2. Prudential Macro Economic policy 3. International policy coorperation system 4. Solidification of Foreign Commercial intercourse to Developing countries 5. Globalixation base of domestic coorperation 6. High efficiency- low cost of business coorperation enterprise 7. Attacktive investiestment strategies on conclusive competive advantage 8. Multilateral investment Area 9. New recognixation on marketing investment etc. F.D.I. strategies

• 한국연극학
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• 제40호
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• pp.61-96
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• 2010

This research established that the two characteristics of Femail Gugguek were explored on the character as genre and the nationalism discourse. This research also included how to encounter the characteristic of Female Gugguek as a popular entertainment with the social context at the time and how to re-produce the social ideology. The 'historical nationalism narrative' piercing Female Gugguek had the close relation with the nation/state discourse of the time. The history reproduced by Female Gugguek was not real. It was the imagined past, the history as image. The Female Gugguek was a genre which typically showed how to intermediate fantasy, ideology and narrative. The happy-endings with the victory of male hero, the narrative pattern on overcoming national crisis, the narrative emphasizing the glorious past and the unification of nation, all these were projected the discourse on nationalistic ideology and nation/state-making in 1950's. The Utopian desire of Female Guggeuk imagining the glorious past and strong nation was the fantasy which concealed the contradiction in real life and the national identity damaged by colonial experience, division of territory, governance by U.S. Military Government and the Korean War. The Female Guggeuk was doing well, because it had amusement. Futhermore, imagination of glorious past and strong state/nation of Female Guggeuk satisfied the public's desire of escapism and wish to establish their position and identity in the rapid social-economic changes. However, Female Guggeuk repeatedly produced the never-changing characters, narrative pattern and conservative world-view. Thus, it became regarded as immature and obsolete thing in late 1950's. Female Guggeuk, which kept re-producing the retrogressive image of the past without modern viewpoint and interpretation, was not sensitive about change of time and trend of the people. Consequently, it was pushed out of people's major interest.