• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.57
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• pp.57-90
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• 2018

In this discussion, as a way to verify the existence of the system to regulate Zhou dynasty's $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) numbers, the discussion was focused on '$mi{\grave{a}}o$ (廟)' and '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮)' in the records of "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)". As for the parts where the contents of scripture sentences were not specific, the context of the case was investigated through the writings in "$Zu{\breve{o}}-zhu{\grave{a}}n$(左傳)" and other materials. In the cases of the usage of the letter, '$mi{\grave{a}}o$(廟 : a ruler's house, a nation's royal court)', in the scripture sentences in "$Ch{\bar{u}}n-qi{\bar{u}}$(春秋)", the followings need to be noticed. In $t{\grave{a}}i-mi{\grave{a}}o$(太廟) of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), nationwide events and a ruler's political ancestral rite, $d{\grave{i}}$(?) ritual, were performed, and fancy tools for ancestral rites used in those rituals were equipped. As for the $z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟) of a ruler of those times, a ritual of royal court, $ch{\acute{a}}o$(朝) rite, was performed. The usage case of the letter, '$g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮 : house)', is as the following. In $g{\bar{o}}ng$(宮) where a ruler's personal family lived was a family ancestral rite for them carried out. The record about the ornate decorating for the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮), which can be said to have been the political base of $s{\bar{a}}n-hu{\acute{a}}n-sh{\grave{i}}$(三桓氏), three politically noble families of State $L{\check{u}}$(魯), is outstanding. The $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(西宮) during $X{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 僖公)'s reign and a $x{\bar{i}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(新宮 : a newly built house) destroyed by fire at the third year of $Ch{\acute{e}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 成公), are assumed to have been a ruler's another house, such as the $ch{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(楚宮) in which $Xi{\bar{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 襄公) used to enjoy staying, which is different from the viewpoint that it might be a $m{\acute{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ shrine(?宮 : a house constructed as a shrine for the deceased father or the deceased grand father) that had been formed since Han dynasty. It has been discussed that, regarding the records that the '$w{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(武宮) was built' and that the '$y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(煬宮) was built', certain buildings were established with the symbols of '$w{\check{u}}$(武 : martial arts and force of arms)' and '$y{\acute{a}}ng$(煬 : to burn and get rid of everything)', and the events that a lord stood as its lord continued. Therefore, its main goal was not the performance of a dutiful ancestral rite by a ruler of those times for deceased rulers, for instance, $W{\check{u}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 武公) or $Y{\acute{a}}ng-g{\bar{o}}ng$(魯 煬公), but display of certain political symbolism through the ritual. This symbolism is most obvious with the $hu{\acute{a}}n-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(桓宮) and the $x{\bar{i}}-g{\bar{o}}ng$ house(僖宮). As a consequence, all $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟) and $g{\bar{o}}ngs$(宮) in scripture sentences had the functions of a shrine in some part, but it has been verified that they were not the buildings set up as a shrine to follow '$z{\bar{o}}ng-mi{\grave{a}}o$(宗廟)'s number regulation system' of '$ti{\bar{a}}nz{\check{i}}-7-mi{\grave{a}}o$(天子七廟 : an emperor owns seven $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))' or '$zh{\bar{u}}h{\acute{o}}u-5-mi{\grave{a}}o$(諸侯五廟 : a lord owns five $mi{\grave{a}}os$(廟))'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.10-20
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• 2023

Zhū Xī, the representative of Confucianism, and Báiyùchán, the representative of Taoism in the South Song Dynasty, showed different sense of appreciation and enjoyment on the same space that was Mountain Wǔyí in their ideologically cultural ways. Based on the temples Wŭyíjīngshè(武夷精舍) where Zhū Xī stayed and Zhĭzhĭān(止止庵) where Báiyùchán resided, this study revealed their lives in such temples to look into their appreciation on ideology and space. Then, based on the words 'YiBoEumYeong [移步吟詠]' shown on the poetry they chanted in relation with Wǔyíjiǔqū from its 1^st valley to its 9^th valley, this study examines their understanding of scenery and system of appreciation that appeared in dynamic ways to conclude: First, even same scenery shows different understanding of scenery and appreciation of space in accordance with the viewers' thinking ways of culture. Second, as the Confucianism and Taoism influenced in ideologically cultural ways to develop each other in the Song dynasty, they absorbed their merits each other to supplement shortcomings in their own. In this process, they made it clear that their own propositions were different between them in their essential meanings although they used common terms for such propositions. Third, as the Confucian master who compiled the Neo-Confucianism of the South Song dynasty, Zhū Xī regarded Wŭyíjīngshè and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a place of learning and a place of seeking the truth to go for 'being unified with nature' so that everyday life can be united with Tao of Li [理] everywhere beyond the limited appreciation of the scenery. That is, this thought works for 'recovery of nature of our own [復其性]', the learning goal of Confucianism, and is aimed to 'cultivate the essential nature of our own(性情涵養)' through such beautiful nature. Fourth, as the master of Keumdan family of the South Song Taoism, Báiyùchán regarded Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a Taoist temple that has a long history rooting from Taesangwon temple, a clean place of discipline to become a Taoist hermit through hard training. He, therefore, directly referred to Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū in relation with the Taoist legends remaining in Wǔyíjiǔqū such as hermits' dinners, female hermits, leaving the human world as a hermit and so on as ways for becoming a hermit so that he went for the level of perfectly going out of human world and becoming a hermit. He, therefore, defined Mountain Wǔyí as a world and universe of hermits where he himself too hovered between outside and inside of poetry literature as a hermit through the mood and attitude of keeping himself enjoying the scenery as a hermit.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.145-186
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• 2015

This thesis discusses and analyzes Jeju island's shamanistic myth "Samgong Bonpoori" from the perspective of analytical psychology. Similar to the "I live on my fortune"-type folktales discovered in the Korean mainland, "Samgong Bonpoori" is such a widespread myth that similar folktales are found not only in East Asian regions, including Korea, Japan, and China, but also in Ireland. The essence of the story is as follows; One day, a father asked his three daughters whose fortune they lived on. The first two daughters claimed that they owe their lives to their parents. However, the youngest daughter, Gameunjang-agi, replied, against his expectation, that "I live on my own fortune," and showed her fortune and virtue were physically embodied in the line drawn from her genitals to navel. Her answer enrages his father so fiercely that she was expelled and forced to embark on a journey with no one but a black cow carrying food to accompany her. In retaliation for telling lies against her, Gameunjang-agi transformed her two sisters into a centipede and a mushroom, while her parents were turned into beggars afflicted with blindness. Afterward, Gameunjang-agi wandered around the country and eventually found love with a Chinese yam digger. Not long after, they got married, and as a couple, they stumbled upon roots of gold in fields, which brought them an incredible amount of wealth. After this miracle has happened, Gameunjang-agi began to wonder about the status of her parents and decided to organize a party for all the beggars and the blinds in the country. She eventually found her parents and got a chance to reconcile with her sisters. The story ends with her parents regaining their eyesight and Gameunjang-agi reestablishing herself as the "Goddess of Providence." "Samgong Bonpoori" is a myth about a God. A God is ontologically a supremely perfect being; however, in this thesis, it will be discussed as a part of a folktale. Gameunjang-agi can be seen as the anima archetype of the father, which reveals the process of a paternal consciousness being transformed over time. At first, her parents deny Gameunjang-agi. However, after years of suffering from blindness, they regain their eyesight and finally recognize their daughter. This signifies that Gameunjang-agi is a being that has come into the world for a certain "purpose." Gameunjang-agi embodies the creative function of "femininity" that can renew the existing collective consciousness embedded in the patriarchal system. Such recognition of femininity matters to men to a great degree as well as to women. Without knowing their true nature (femininity), the two sisters submit themselves to their parents and conventional values. Not until they suffer from being transformed and captured into small and insignificant beings, a centipede and a mushroom, which symbolize their shadow, they fail to develop their self-awareness. Meanwhile, by reconciling with her parents and sisters--playing a significant role in reuniting the family--Gameunjang-agi turns out to be a figure that can reveal what it truly means to have self-awareness and achieve Self-realization. In conclusion, this story illustrates that recognition of femininity matters to men to a great degree as well as to women, and women's Self-realization plays a critical role in revitalizing the collective consciousness embedded in the patriarchal system.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.2
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• pp.186-205
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• 2013

${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ in the Kansong Art Museum is an album of poems and pictures of apricot tree, orchids and bamboos drawn by Lee Jeong. Given that the poems and pictures in the album were drawn by Lee Jeong who has been recognized as a person who established the standards of ink bamboo drawings in the Joseon Dynasty, the album is highly valuable. Nevertheless, there are more values and meanings that Three Purities Album has. The production circumstances and transmission processes of Three Purities Album include the historical characteristics and meanings of the time so that it is also worthwhile as a historical material. During the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, Lee Jeong was stabbed with a sword by Japanese invaders and got injured. After he suffered, he tried to make his masterpiece in his lifework and finally created Three Purities Album. For the work, Lee Jeong received memorial writings from Choi Rip, Cha Cheon-ro and Han Ho, and asked them writings. They were the best literary men in the poem and calligraphy fields at that time. Yu Geun, Lee An-nul, and Yu Mong-in made writings and poems to praise his work. Likewise, ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is the 'treasure of the time' created through the participation of the best literary men at that time. Given the aspects, it is fair to say that ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ is not simply a personal artwork of Lee Jeong, but is a comprehensive artwork and also a cultural monument created through the skills and capabilities of the literary artists in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. After the death of Lee Jeong, Three Purities Album was handed over to Hong Ju-won. But, during the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, the album was in danger of disappearance by fire. As of now, there are still signs of fire in it, which vividly shows the urgent situation at that time. After the second Manchu Invasion into Korea in 1636, Hong Ju-won recovered some damaged writings with the help of Yoon Shin-ji. Since then, the album had been handed down as a family treasure over the next 7 generations. It can be found in the writings by Song Si-yeol and Uh Yu-bong. Unlike the literary men who praised Three Purities Album in terms of its work when Lee Joeng was alive, they focused on the transmission courses of the album and involved persons. That seems to be because the stories and characters appearing in Three Purities Album impressed the later literary men and were meaningful to them rather than the album itself. It strongly reflected the positions of Hong Jung-gi and Hung Sang-han who asked for writings as the descendants of Hong Ju-won. That is because the traces of the persons involved in Three Purities Album are the causes for admiring their ancestors and enhancing their political legitimacy and family dignity. Therefore, in this aspect, it is possible to witness the fundamental causes of the unique artistic awareness by East Asian people who consider their historical meanings as well as the aesthetic value of artworks significant. Unfortunately, during the Japanese invasion at the end of the Joseon Dynasty, Three Purities Album was handed over to Japanese Tzuboikouso. But, fortunately, Jeon Hyeong-pil who made an effort to regain our cultural assets by investing his entire property during the Japanese Imperialism regained the album, which is now preserved in the Kansong Art Museum. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ truly includes the whole processes to overcome national crises that Korean people experienced during the Japanese Invasion in 1592, the second Manchu Invasion of Korea in 1636, and the Japanese Imperialism, and it shows the sufferings of our cultural assets and the history of preservation. Also, the album shows that one artwork is able to accumulate its historical meanings in the process of transmission and thus enhances its meanings and values. ${\ll}$Three Purities Album${\gg}$ features accumulative and constant historical meanings and it is a typical case showing that an artwork is plenty of aesthetic and historical values. It is expected that this work will contribute to promoting more studies on finding historical meanings and hysteresis of artworks.