• The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.368-382
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• 2012

This paper investigated the system that is relevant to Jang(fermented soybean paste or solution), the relief of hunger-stricken people by Jang, 33 kinds of Jang, and its consumption in the documents, such as the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, Ihlseong-document, Seungjeongwon daily, Uigwe(record of national ceremony), official documents on the basis of Kyujanggak institute for the Korean studies and data base of Korean classics. There are lots of Jang named after the place of particular soybean's production from the ancient times. Jang, soybean, salt and Meju(source of Jang), during the Dynasty, were collected as taxation or tribute. In the 5th year of Hyeonjong(1664), the storage amount of soybean in Hojo(ministry of finance) was 16,200 $k{\ell}$, and its consumption was 7,694 $k{\ell}$ a year. In the 32nd year of Yongjo(1756), the 1,800 $k{\ell}$ of soybean was distributed to the people at the time of disaster, and in his 36th year(1756), the 15,426 $k{\ell}$ of soybean was reduced from the soybean taxation nationwide. The offices managing Jang are Naejashi, Saseonseo, Sadoshi, Yebinshi and Bongsangshi. Chongyoongcheong(Gyeonggi military headquarters) stored the 175.14 $k{\ell}$ of Jang, and the 198 $k{\ell}$ of Jang in Yebinshi. There are such posts managing Jang as Jangsaek, Jangdoo, and Saseonsikjang. In the year of Jeongjong(1777~1800), the royal family distributed the 3.6 $k{\ell}$ of Meju to Gasoon-court, Hygyeong-court, queen's mother-court, queen's court, royal palace. The 13.41 $k{\ell}$ of Gamjang(fermented soybean solution) was distributed to the Gasoon-court, 17.23 $k{\ell}$ to Hegyeong-court, 17.09 $k{\ell}$ to the queen's mother-court, and the 17.17 $k{\ell}$ to the queen's court each. There are 112 Jang-storing pots in the royal storages, and the 690 are in Namhan-hill, where the 2.7 $k{\ell}$ of fermented Jang was made and brought back by them each year. At the time of starvation, Jang relieved the starving people. There are 20 occasions of big reliefs, according to the annals of the Chosun Dynasty. In the 5th year of Sejong(1423), the 360 $k{\ell}$ of Jang was given to the hunger-stricken people. In his 6th year(1424), the 8,512.92 $k{\ell}$ of rice, bean, and Jang was provided and in the 28th year(1446), the 8,322.68 $k{\ell}$ of Jang was also provided to them. In the Dynasty, Jang was given as a salary. In case that when they were bereaved, they didn't eat Jang patiently for its preservation. They were awarded for their filial piety. In the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, there are 19 kinds of Jang. They are listed in the order of Jang(108), Yeomjang(90), Maljang(11), Yookjang(5), Gamjang(4), and etc.,. In Seungjeongwon daily, there are 11 kinds of Jang. Jang(6), Cheongjang (5), Maljang(5), and Tojang(3) are listed in order. In the Ihlseong-document, there are 5 kinds of Jang. They are listed in Jang(15), Maljang(2), Gamjang(2), and etc.,. There are 13 kinds of Jang in Uigwe, and the official documents, in the order of Gamjang(59), Ganjang(37), Jang(28), Yeomjang(7), Maljang(6), and Cheongjang(5). In addition, shi are Jeonshi(7), and Dooshi(4). All these are made of only soybean except, for Yookjang. The most-frequently recorded Jang among anthology, cookbook, the annals of the Chosun Dynasty, Ihlseong-document, Seoungjeongwon daily, Uigwe, or official document is Jang(372), and then Yeomjang(194), Gamjang(73), Cheongjang(46), Ganjang(46), Soojang(33), and Maljang(26), which were made of soybean. Jang from China in cookbook is not in anthology and royal palace documents. Thus, traditional Jang made of soybean was used in the daily food life in the royal court, and in the public during the Chosun period.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.21 no.3 s.87
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• pp.290-300
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• 2005

Increased sanitation management of foodservice establishments is required because most of the reported foodborne-disease outbreaks were in the foodservice industry. The purpose of this study was to determine the important control points for good sanitation. In this study, we inspected twenty foodservice establishments in Seoul, Kyunggi, Kyungnam with a self-developed monitoring tool. These foodservice establishments included secondary schools, universities, and industries. Six of them had appointed as the HACCP-certified establishments from the Korea Food and Drug Administration. The inspection was conducted from June to August in 2002. The inspection tool consisted of nine dimensions and sixty-five items. The dimensions were 'personal sanitation', 'supply of raw food', 'food storage', 'handling of raw food and ready-to-eat', 'cleaning and sterilization', 'waste control', 'pest control', and 'control of establishment and equipment' The highest possible score of this inspection tool is 105 points. Statistical data analysis was completed using the SPSS Package(11.0) for descriptive analysis Kruskal-Wallis. The score for the secondary schools (83.6 points) was higher than for the others and number of in compliance item was 50.9 on average. Therefore, we concluded that the secondary schools' sanitation condition was good. The foodservice establishments acquired HACCP certification was 89.7 points, which was significantly higher than that of establishments not applying foodservices in total score. Instituting the HACCP system in a foodservice is very effective for sanitation management. Many out of the compliance observations were found in the dimensions of 'waste control', 'control of establishment and equipment', and 'supply of raw food' 'Clean condition of refrigerator' item was $65\%$ out of the compliance that was the highest percent in this study. 'Notify and observance of heating/reheating temperature' was $45\%$ out of compliance. Items which were over $30\%$ out of compliance were 'sterilization of knifes and chopping boards in cooking', 'education of workers', 'maintain refrigerator temperature blow $5^{\circ}C$', and 'countermeasure of infection workers' In the results, most of the foodservice establishments were poorly managed in temperature control and cross-contamination. The important control points revealed in this study were preventing contamination, cooking temperature compliance, management of raw food and refrigerator. Therefore foodservice establishments should pay attention to education and training about important control points. The systematic sanitation management monitoring tool developed in this study can be effectively applied for conducting self-inspection and improving the sanitary conditions of their own foodservice operations.

• Korean Journal of Community Nutrition
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.297-316
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• 2014

Objectives: This study was performed to investigate the body image, food habits, nutrition knowledge, food intake frequency, nutrient intakes of female university students in Masan. Methods: Two groups (n = 302, nutrition major: 147, non-major: 155) were classified into underweight, normal weight and overweight/obesity groups according to BMI respectively. Results: Height and weight of all subjects were 161.5 cm, 53.2 kg and were 161.5 cm, 55.1 kg, 161.5 cm, 51.3 kg in major and non-major female students, respectively. The BMI and body weight were significantly different (p < 0.001). Significantly higher proportions of underweight students in both study groups had perceived as 'normal' or 'fat' (p < 0.001). Higher proportion of the subjects skipped breakfast and main reason was no time to eat. Nutrition knowledge score was significantly higher in major than in non-major subjects (p < 0.001). Fish intake frequency score was significantly higher in non-majors, while the vegetable intake frequency score was significantly higher in majors. Nutrient intakes were significantly higher the majors compared to non-majors, particularly the intake of calcium (p < 0.05), zinc (p < 0.001), vitamin C (p < 0.001) and vitamin E (p < 0.01). Subjects in both groups did not have adequate nutrient intakes compared to KDRIs. BMI showed a positive correlation with body image, body weight and nutrition knowledge score (p < 0.01). Conclusions: These results suggest that systematic nutrition education program which can be applied in real life is important for the formation of correct choices of food and good eating habits.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.270-283
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• 2017

Purpose: This study was conducted to examine coffee consumption behaviors, dietary habits, and nutrient intakes by coffee intake amount among university students. Methods: Questionnaires were distributed to 300 university students randomly selected in Gongju. Dietary survey was administered during two weekdays by the food record method. Results: Subjects were divided into three groups: NCG (non-coffee group), LCG (low coffee group, 1~2 cups/d), and HCG (high coffee group, 3 cups/d) by coffee intake amount and subjects' distribution. Coffee intake frequency was significantly greater in the HCG compared to the LCG (p < 0.001). The HCG was more likely to intake dripped coffee with or without milk and/or sugar than the LCG (p < 0.05). More than 80% of coffee drinkers chose their favorite coffee or accompanying snacks regardless of energy content. More than 75% of coffee takers did not eat accompanying snacks instead of meals, and the HCG ate them more frequently than LCG (p < 0.05). Breakfast skipping rate was high while vegetable and fruit intakes were very low in most subjects. Subjects who drank carbonated drinks, sweet beverages, or alcohol were significantly greater in number in the LCG and HCG than in the NCG (p < 0.01). Energy intakes from coffee were $0.88{\pm}5.62kcal/d$ and $7.07{\pm}16.93kcal/d$ for the LCG and HCG. For total subjects, daily mean dietary energy intake was low at less than 72% of estimated energy requirement. Levels of vitamin C and calcium were lower than the estimated average requirements while that of vitamin D was low (24~34% of adequate intake). There was no difference in nutrient intakes by coffee intake amount, except protein, vitamin A, and niacin. Conclusion: Coffee intake amount did not affect dietary nutrient intakes. Dietary habits were poor,and most nutrient intakes were lower than recommend levels. High intakes of coffee seemed to be related with high consumption of sweet beverages and alcohol. Therefore, it is necessary to improve nutritional intakes and encourage proper water intake habits, including coffee intake, for improved nutritional status of subjects.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.41 no.8
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• pp.1118-1133
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• 2012

This research aimed to suggest an efficient improvement plan for school food services by investigating the operating situation and recognition of menu management in school food services for school food service dietitians (and nutrition teachers) in Chungbuk. A total of 328 questionnaires were distributed to school food service dietitians (and nutrition teachers) in Chungbuk by e-mail in September, 2010. A total of 265 questionnaires (80.8%) were used for the analysis. The highest allocation of nutrients and calories per day in school food services was 1:1.5:1.5 (breakfast : lunch : dinner) (38.5%). The reasoning for applying a flexible allocation of nutrients and calories per day was 'considering the ratio of students who do not eat breakfast' (59.2%). And the way to apply the flexible allocation for nutrients and calories per day was 'by agreement from the school operating committee in arbitrary data without situation surveys' (86 respondents, 49.4%), and 'by agreement from the school operating committee in analysis data through situation surveys' (80 respondents, 46.0%). The operational method of standardized recipes was 'cooking management site of national education information systems' (87.5%) and the items included in standardized recipes were menu name, food material name, portion size, cooking method, nutrition analysis, and critical control point in HACCP. The main reason for not utilizing all items of a cooking management site of the national education information system was 'no big trouble in menu management even though it is used partly (29.1%). In addition, the highest use of standardized recipe was for 'maintaining consistency of food production quantity' (74.0%).

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.38 no.6
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• pp.694-708
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• 2009

The principal objective of this study was to determine the effects of smoking & drinking on the diet, nutrient intake, and overall health. A sample of 262 youths, aged 16 to 18 year-old, was randomly selected from Seoul and its vicinity. The subjects participated by answering survey questions including general questions, questions regarding health, smoking & drinking habits, dietary habits, nutrient intake, physical characteristics, and smoking cessation plans. The average height, weight, and BMI of the subjects were $173.5{\pm}6.8\;cm$, $64.8{\pm}11.8\;kg$, and $21.4{\pm}3.7\;kg/m^2$, respectively. Among the subjects, 88% appeared to be interested in health and 43.5% of youth asserted that the best way to keep healthy was to engage in regular exercise. Among 63 smokers, 52 students (82.5%) used alcoholic beverages while 11 students (17.5%) did not use alcoholic beverages, meaning that smoking was a causative factor in drinking. 55.6% of youth reported beginning to smoke in middle school, and 38.1% of them asserted that curiosity was the motive for smoking. The youth reported that the craving for smoking was highest when hungry, and the best place to smoke was the restroom. 20 students (69.0%) answered that the only way to quit smoking was just to stop. 12 students (44.4%) reported that the main reason for failures in smoking cessation attempts was a lack of intention or willpower. 87.1% of all subjects answered that they were inclined to quit smoking, and 56.7% of them would be interested in attending a smoking cessation program if they had the opportunity. Among the smoking and drinking group, 50% of drinkers began to drink in high school, and the reason for drinking given was peer pressure-40% of drinkers answered that they wished to quit drinking. 34.4% of students appeared to have breakfast everyday, but 16.4% of students answered that they had quit eating breakfast. 52.5% of all students reported that the principal reason for overeating was the presence of one's favorite food, and the smoking and drinking group reported overeating more frequently than other groups (p<0.05). 72.6% of all subjects reported eating interim meals $1{\sim}2$ times daily, 36.4% of smokers ate carbonated beverages, 38.5% ate ice cream as a interim meal, and 38.5% of the drinking and smoking groups ate fruits, 26.9% of them ate fried foods, and some of them ate fast foods as a interim meal. Among smokers, the ratio of eating fat-rich foods, and meats such as kalbi and samgyupsal more than two times per week was higher, and 54.3% of smokers ate ice cream, cookies, and carbonated beverages more than two times per week (p<0.05). The total nutrient intake of the $15{\sim}19$-year youth group was much higher than the standard value. The energy intake of the smoking group and the drinking and smoking group was significantly higher than that of the normal group (p<0.05). Intakes of phosphorus (p<0.05), cholesterol (p<0.05), and sodium (p<0.05) were the highest among all groups. Accordingly, it is recommended that practical education programs be implemented to teach young students to resist peer pressures to smoke and drink. Additionally, education that acknowledges the importance of nutrition is necessary to avoid preferential eating and overeating due to smoking and drinking.such education can also teach students to eat a balanced diet and improve their physical development.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.